Market Risks Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Market Risks - Essay Example For example, investors lose billions of dollars of their money when Pakistan stock market crashed in 2005. (KSE.com.pk/2005) This list of risk in not exhaustive, but there are also thousands of other risks when investing in an emerging market. Another major risk is differences in culture and religion of the host country and the company. In 2006/7, there was an issue of blasphemous cartoons being published in Norwegian newspapers. This angered the Muslims all over the world. Telenor, one company which is from Norway and operating in Muslim countries like Bangladesh and Pakistan suffered as a result. Many people stopped using their service and many governments threatened or fined the company. To make the matters worse people also protested and damaged their branches. As a result, the company suffered huge losses and at one time it looked like that whole of their investment is going to go wasted. (Grameen Phone, 2005) Similarly, disparity of income in many countries has made matter worse for these businesses. For example, Subway initially entered as luxury brand in Pakistan. But because people in Pakistan are generally poor, they were not able to afford this expensive food and hence the business suffered huge losses until they bring their prices down which implied reduction in profits for SubWay.

The Enlightenment and Its Social and Ideological Consequences Worldwide Essay Example for Free

The Enlightenment and Its Social and Ideological Consequences Worldwide Essay The Enlightenment in Europe, roughly from 1600 to the French Revolution in 1789, was an era that stressed, most of all, the rationalistic basis of science, and its application to all element of life. This essay argues that much of this rhetoric, such as from Bacon or Kant, is a mystification, and that the basic structure of the Enlightenment was about the rationalization of power and domination. This paper will begin its discussion on the Enlightenment with Immanuel Kant’s â€Å"What is Enlightenment? † move to the critique of this view from Adorno and Horkheimer, and see the more empirical approach of the Enlightenment worldwide through an analysis of some recent works on colonialism and the post-colonial ideology. Immanuel Kant wrote a very short piece on â€Å"What is Enlightenment? † in 1784. It is the chief work in this mystification. This is a piece that is easily accessible for the laymen–rare for Kant–and lays out the basic concepts of Enlightenment in the â€Å"freeing† of the mind from the shackles of tradition and religion. Kant holds that such shackles are created by the self from the motivation of laziness or complacency. It is easier to accept conventional truths than to struggle to find one’s own. Kant then holds that moral virtue, particularly courage, is necessary for true Enlightenment, since that courage is needed to go against received opinion. The truly enlightened individual needs to think for himself, develop their own conclusions, and hence, take nothing from authority. This movement is little more than a move from immaturity to adulthood; from the infantile life of the middle ages to the adult life of modern times. The formal properties of this motion is the release of the understanding from the prison of authority and received opinion. Hence, from this view of Kant, the Enlightenment and its scientific consequences have been associated with the rhetoric of liberation. The Enlightenment defines itself in the negative terms of the destruction of feudal relations based on religion and received opinion. The positive side (derive largely from Bacon and Descartes) is based on the concept that the release of the understanding can be done through the rigorous application of scientific methods to all areas of life, reaching an era of complete and true knowledge based on rational methods and principles. Hence, from Kant, science and its resultant technology is seen as liberation, and the creation of a new, utopian social order based on mechanization of all labor and the love of knowledge deriving from true principles. This rhetoric still dominates discourses about the Enlightenment and its negation of the â€Å"barbaric middle ages. † II. Adorno and Horkheimer on the Dialectics of Enlightenment It does not take long to get from Kant to Nietzsche. In fact, the amoral world of the infamous German is a mere brief step from the hyper individualism of Kant and his followers. Nietzsche took the Baconian dictum seriously that knowledge is power and of course, power is domination. The Kantian mystification of the Enlightenment had been exposed for generations in European letters from the conservative reaction against modern science to the leftist agitation of the above authors. In their 1944 work, Adorno and Horkheimer seek to eliminate the mystification that Kant had ushered in as the basic sense of Enlightenment self-definition. Their argument is a complex one, but it can easily be taken apart into eight specific movements or moments. 1. The Enlightenment, with its stress on science and hence technology, has not led to liberation, but to a hyper-centralization of power and technical authority. The knowledge necessary for specialized science and its administration are, by definition, available only to a few specialists. This means that Enlightenment individualism has led to a Nietzschian stress on the will to power of science. This will to power has resolved itself into a fetishization with central power and authority, and an esoteric sense of science as the new priesthood, available only to a few specialist and the moneyed powers who finance them. 2. This centralization of power and the domination of a scientific and technocratic elite has led to the creation of a uniform ideology: a sense of the power of science and the moneyed powers who control them. The issue here is that the scientific ideology is the only one, and that all problems can be solved by the judicious application of the scientific method, only if they receive enough money and power to do it. Science, at first a limited method of solving problem, has resolved itself into the domination of materialism and the creation of a scientific establishment, a set of institutions that identifies itself with â€Å"science† proper. In other words, the scientific establishment has taken the name of science and pinned it to themselves. 3. The domination of science and enlightenment capital relations has led to new forms of scientific consciousness like sociology, which has led to the standardization of society, and this standardization of social life has taken the form of labeling consumers. Creating consuming pockets of people who are seen not as people but as machines that buy the products that the capitalist technocracy has created. Citizenship has been replaced by consumption and being a part of the great chain of capitalist relations. 4. Even more than this, not only has political and economic power been tightly centralized, but even the very ideas of the population and their perceptions of the world are created and maintained by the â€Å"culture industry† that complex of capital and modern science that has sought to entertain the masses for profit, but have also replaced their own perceptions with that of the â€Å"cultural elite. † From the individualism of Kant, science and Enlightenment has created a new kind of human being: the slave that does not know he’s a slave. The entertainment industry that is so often a target of both left and right has taken upon itself, in the name of both profit and Enlightenment, to recreate the very perceptual matrix of the population as a whole. Replacing actual perception with their own, and hence, dictating music, dress, even cuisine according to its taste, quickly adopted by the masses who think they are thinking for themselves. 5. The movies, as well as the mass production entertainment industry of the technocracy, has recreated the person according to its own will. Reality itself is the creation of the â€Å"illusion industry† and has destroyed the last vestiges of individuality. Kant is exposed as a naive writer at best. 6. The creation of genre is part of the cultural domination of the technocracy. Genre is a pseudo-intellectual method of both standardizing production, but more importantly, the standardization of consumer taste. Genre is the destruction of culture for this reason. 7. This destruction of culture by forcing it into the standardization of genre means that art has been taken from the realm of the individual or the culture and placed into the realm of the machine: the culture machine that seeks to standardize art so as to make it amenable to scientifically planned consumption and production. Art is merely another commodity. 8. Finally, the culture itself becomes a single, commodified and standardized reality: the creation of the scientific technique as applied to film, entertainment and art. What has begun as a drive to liberate consciousness and the intellect has led to a scientific dystopia of enslavement to a series of media illusions, themselves based around profit and a centralized technocratic apparatus that has stamped out all free thought and has even commodified dissent from its own order.

Realism in Arthur Millers Death of a Salesman :: Death Salesman essays

Realism in Arthur Miller's Death of a Salesman Realism may be defined as an attempt to reproduce the surface appearance of the life of normal people in everyday situations (Kennedy 1410). Basically realism is a situation that normal people can relate to based on their own experiences. Realism is extremely prevalent in the play Death of a Salesman. The characters in the play have real world problems. Lack of money is one of the problems, which is a problem for many people. There are also many conflicts within the family; related to each characters definition of success.   Ã‚   Willy Loman also wants his children to have a better than he has and tries to do everything he can so they will have a better life, including ending his own. One realistic situation that many people can relate to is money problems. Money is one of the main problems that Willy Loman had throughout the play. The Loman family had many purchases on payments. Linda even states â€Å"for the vacuum cleaner there’s three and a half due on the fifteenth† (Miller 1650). The Loman family was living from week to week. Every time Willy came home from a fairly successful day selling, he would think he was finally getting ahead. Willy would tell Linda how much he had made, but she would then point out how much they owed on everything. Willy then felt overwhelmed and said â€Å"My God, if business don’t pick up I don’t know what I’m gonna do!† (1650). Linda would then reassure Willy and tell him â€Å"Well, next week you’ll do better† (1650). Many people in real life have this same problem. Every time they feel they are getting ahead financially, a problem occurs and they find themselves right back where they started. Most people also have to deal with problems and conflicts within their family throughout their life. Family problems were not exempt from the characters in Death of a Salesman. Biff’s idea of success was completely opposite from Willy’s. Willy viewed success as achieving money and power; Biff however viewed success in life as being happy. Biff realized that â€Å"I’m just what I am, that’s all† (1703). Biff realized he was â€Å"a dime a dozen† (1703), but his father could not accept this reality. This situation where parents always keep telling their children what they should do with their lives is common in many families.

The Pleasures of Eating Essay -- Literary Analysis, Wendell Berry

In Wendell Berry’s â€Å"The Pleasures of Eating,† this farmer tells eaters how their separation from food production has turned them into â€Å"passive consumers† who know nothing about the food they eat, or their part in the agricultural process (3). They are blindsided by a food industry that does not help them understand. Berry argues that the average consumer buys available food without any questions. He states consumers that think they are distanced from agriculture because they can easily buy food, making them ignorant of cruel conditions it went through to get on the shelf. Humans have become controlled by the food industry, and regard eating as just something required for their survival. Berry wants this to change as people realize they should get an enjoyment from eating that can only come from becoming responsible for their food choices and learning more about what they eat. While describing the average consumer’s ignorance and the food industry ’s deceit, he effectively uses appeals to emotion, logic, and values to persuade people to take charge, and change how they think about eating. One point Berry makes about people’s ignorance is that they do not recognize their connection to the agricultural cycle. He appeals to the reader’s sense of logic when he describes the process food goes through to reach the consumer, and how eating ends it (3). He uses their sense of reason to persuade them as he continues to point out how oblivious eaters are by saying that â€Å"food is pretty much an abstract idea† to them even though they should realize it does not magically appear in the local store (4). Berry mentions that not only do they ignore how it gets to the store, but also the location and type of farms their food comes from (4). He says ... ...ences him in the poem by William Carlos Williams, â€Å"There is nothing to eat, seek it where you will, but the body of the Lord,† and this appeals to the reader’s value of faith and gives his argument credibility (23). Throughout the essay, Berry logically progresses from stating the problem of the consumer’s ignorance and the manipulative food industry that plays into that ignorance, to stating his solution where consumers can take part in the agricultural process and alter how they think about eating in order to take pleasure in it. He effectively uses appeals to emotion and common values to convince the reader that this is an important issue and make her realize that she needs to wake up and change what she is doing. By using appeals to pathos, logos, and ethos, Berry creates a strong argument to make his point and get people to change how they attain and eat food.

The Battle for the Campaign Agenda in Britain

The 1997 election was a struggle, not just for votes, but also to control the campaign agenda. Significant, but contradictory, challenges faced the media, parties and the public. For journalists, the problem was how to engender any zip into the campaign. Ever since Black Wednesday, in September 1992, Labour had seemed assured of victory while Conservative support floundered in the doldrums. For five years, perhaps it just seemed like longer, pundits had been writing of the end of the Conservative era, bolstered by all the accumulated evidence from opinion polls, by-elections and local elections. By the start of the six-week official campaign, the horse-race story was almost lifeless. Moreover, to the dismay of leader-writers, commentators and columnists, Blair's strategic shift towards the centre-left had removed much of the drama of serious policy conflicts between the major parties. Few issues remained where one could discern clear blue water between Labour and the Conservatives – devolution and constitutional reform, perhaps the faint ghost of trade union rights and spending priorities – but on so much the contest was a classic case of an echo not a choice. Lastly, at the outset the campaign promised tight party control, in as gaffe-free an environment as could be humanly managed. At the start the Labour party seemed insecure and sweaty despite its enormous lead in the polls, and the professional andelson machine at Millbank Tower left almost nothing to chance, as though the souffle of support might suddenly collapse. Based on their formidable track-record during the 1980s, the Conservatives had a reputation for running highly professional campaigns. Given the palpable sense of public boredom and impatience, a feeling of oh-do-lets-get-on-with-it, the challenge for journalists was to find something fresh and interesting to hold the attention of their readers and viewers. During the six week campaign there was, on average, about ten hours of regular BBC and ITN television news and current affairs programmes every weekday1, not including election specials, nor Sky News, CNN, Radio 4, Five Live, newspapers and magazines, the internet election web pages, and all the other plethora of media outlets. Something had to fill the ravenous news hole. For the public, the primary urge seemed to be to get it all over with. But voters also needed to make sense of the choice before them, when policy differences between the parties had shaded from the red-and-blue days of Thatcher v. Foot to a middle of the road wishy-washy mauve. Many issues confronting voters were complex, technical and subtle, with no easy answers: what will happen to the economy if Britain enters, or stays out, of the ERM? How can the peace process move ahead in Northern Ireland, given the intractability of all sides? Can Britain afford an effective and comprehensive health service, given ever-increasing demands on the system and spending limits accepted by all parties? These, and related, issues facing Britain have critical consequences for the lives of citizens, but they admit of no simple sound-bite panaceas. The needs of the news media and the public were at odds with those of the parties. Given their lead, the primary challenge for Labour was to manage their media environment against unexpected crises, in play-safe reactive mode. The watchword was control. Memories of the polling fiasco in 1992, and Neil Kinnock's false expectation of victory in that campaign (â€Å"We're allright! â€Å"), dominated strategy in 1997. The challenge for the Conservatives was to staunch grassroots morale, and even build momentum, by emphasising the positive economic performance of the government, by reassuring voters to trust Prime Minister John Major against the inexperienced and unknown Tony Blair, and by attacking Labour on the old bugaboos of taxes and trade unions. To gain traction the Conservatives had to take more risks than Labour. The challenge facing all the minor parties, but particularly the Liberal Democrats, was to avoid being squeezed by Labour's smothering slither centre-left. Who won? The aim of this chapter is to examine this battle and evaluate the outcome. The first section sets out the long-term context by considering how campaigning has been transformed in the post-war era. The 1997 election represented another critical step, it can be argued, in the transition to the post-modern campaign in Britain, — characterised by partisan dealignment in the press, growing fragmentation in the electronic media, and strategic communications in parties. The second section goes on to analyse what was covered in the national press and television during the campaign, and whether this suggests Labour won the battle of the campaign agenda, as well as the election. Lastly, we consider how the public reacted to the coverage, whether they felt that journalists generated interesting, fair and informative coverage, and the implications of this analysis for the struggle over campaign communications. The Evolution of the Post-Modern Campaign Modernisation theory suggests that during the post-war era the political communication process has been transformed by the decline of direct linkages between citizens and parties, and the rise of mediated relationships. Swanson and Mancini argue that similar, although not identical, developments are recognisable across industrialised democracies2. In the earliest stage, the premodern campaign in Britain was characterised by the predominance of the partisan press; a loose organizational network of grassroots party volunteers in local constituencies; and a short, ad-hoc national campaign run by the party leader with a few close advisers. This period of campaigning gradually evolved in the mid-nineteenth century following the development of mass party organizations registering and mobilising the newly enfranchised electorate. Despite the introduction of wireless broadcasting in 1922, this pattern was maintained in largely identifiable form until the late fifties3. The critical watershed came in 1959, with the first television coverage of a British general election, symbolising the transition to the next stage. The evolution of the modern campaign was marked by a shift in the central location of election communications, from newspapers towards television, from the constituency grassroots to the party leadership, and from amateurs towards professionals. The press entered an era of long-term decline: circulation of national newspapers peaked in the late fifties and sales have subsequently dropped by one-third (see Figure 1). The fall was sharpest among tabloids, pushing these further downmarket in the search for readers4. This fierce competition transformed the nature of the British press, producing growing sensationalism, and more journalism with attitude, while changes in ownership ratcheted the partisan balance further in the Conservative direction. One major factor contributing towards declining circulation was the rise of television. The political effects of this new technology were strongly mediated by the regulations governing broadcasting in each country. In Britain the legal framework for the BBC/ITV duopoly was suffused by a strong public service ethos which required broadcasters to maintain ‘party balance' and impartiality in news coverage, to ‘inform, educate and entertain' according to high standards, and to provide an agreed allocation of unpaid airtime to arty political broadcasts5. Within this familiar context, television centralised the campaign, and thereby increased the influence of the party leaders: what appeared on BBC1's flagship 9 O'clock News and ITN's News at Ten, and related news and current affairs studios, was the principle means by which politicians reached the vast majority of voters. To work effectively within this environment parties developed a coordinated national campaign with professional communications by specialists skilled in advertising, marketing, and polling. The ‘long campaign' in the year or so before polling day became as important strategically as the short ‘official' campaign. These changes did not occur overnight, nor did they displace grassroots constituency activity, as the timeless ritual of canvassing and leafletting continued. A few trusted experts in polling and political marketing became influential during the campaign in each party, such as Maurice Saatchi, Tim Bell and Gordon Reece in Conservative Central Office, but this role remained as part-time outside advisors, not integral to the process of government, nor even to campaigning which was still run by politicians. Unlike in the United States, no political marketing industry developed, in large part because the only major clients were the Labour and Conservative party leaderships: the minor parties had limited resources, while parliamentary candidates ran retail campaigns based on shoe-leather and grassroots helpers. But the net effect of television during the era of modernisation was to shift the primary focus of the campaign from the ad-hoccery of unpaid volunteers and local candidates towards the central party leadership flanked by paid, although not necessarily full-time, professionals6. Lastly in the late twentieth century Britain seems to have been experiencing the rise of the post-modern campaign, although there remains room for dispute in the interpretation of the central features of this development and its consequences. The most identifiable characteristics, evident in the 1997 campaign, include the emergence of a more autonomous, and less partisan, press following its own ‘media logic'; the growing fragmentation and diversification of electronic media outlets, programmes and audiences; and, in reaction to these developments, the attempt by parties to reassert control through strategic communications and media management during the permanent campaign. Partisan Dealignment in the Press In the post-war period parties have had long-standing and stable links with the press. In 1945 there was a rough partisan balance with about 6. 7 million readers of pro-Conservative papers and 4. 4 million readers of pro-Labour papers. This balance shifted decisively in the early 1970s, with the transformation of the left-leaning Daily Herald into the pro-Conservative Sun, and the more aggressively right-wing tone of The Times, both under Rupert Murdoch's ownership. By 1992 the cards had become overwhelmingly stacked against the left, since the circulation of the Conservative-leaning press had risen to about 8. 7 million compared with only 3. million for Labour-leaning papers (see Figure 1). Throughout the 1980s Mrs Thatcher could campaign assured of a largely sympathetic press, which provided a loyal platform to get her message across7. One of the most striking developments of recent years has been the crumbling of these traditional press-party loyalties. The evidence comes partly from editorial policy. The Conservative press had started to turn against Mrs Thatcher in 1989-90, when the economy was in recession and her leadership became deeply unpopular, and this constant barrage of criticism probably contributed towards her eventual demise8. During the 1992 election, while the Sun and the Daily Express continued to beat the Tory drum, comment from some of the other pro-Conservative press like the Mail and The Sunday Times was more muted, and four out of eleven daily papers failed to endorse a single party9. The new government enjoyed a brief respite on returning to office but press criticism of John Major's leadership deepened following the ERM debacle on 16th September 1992, with only the Daily Express staying loyal. Journalists continued to highlight the government's difficulties over Europe, and internal splits over the debate on the Maastricht Treaty. By the winter of 1993, a succession of scandals involving Conservative politicians created headline news while editorials regularly denunciated the government, and particularly the Prime Minister. By the time of the July 1995 leadership challenge only the Daily Express backed John Major solidly, while the Sun, the Mail, The Times and the Telegraph all argued that it was time for him to be replaced10, an embarrassment for their leader writers given the outcome. The question, in the long run-up to the election, was whether the Tory press would return home, once the future of the Conservative government was under real threat. In the event, the 1997 election represents a historic watershed. In a major break with tradition, six out of ten national dailies, and five out of nine Sundays, endorsed the Labour party in their final editorials (see Table 1). This was twice the highest number previously, and it reversed the long-standing pro-Conservative leanings in the national press. With impeccable timing, the Sun led the way on the first day of the campaign, (THE SUN BACKS BLAIR), with a frontpage claiming Blair is a â€Å"breath of fresh air† while the Conservatives were â€Å"tired, divided and rudderless†, and its defection stole the headlines and damaged Tory morale. This change of heart came after assiduous efforts by Labour to court press support, including meetings between Blair and Rupert Murdoch, especially Blair's visit to Australia in 1995. roughout the campaign the Sun, with ten million readers a day, provided largely unswerving support for Blair, although opposing Labour policy on Europe and the unions, and many commentators predicted that the switch, based on Murdoch's commercial considerations rather than political affinities, would not last long11. Labour's traditional tabloid, the Daily Mirror, with six million readers, continued its brand of centre-left journalism (â€Å"the paper for Labour's TRUE supporters†). On the las t Sunday of the campaign, influenced by Murdoch, The News of the World decided to follow the lead of its sister paper, the Sun, and backed Labour. Among the broadsheets The Guardian called for tactical voting for the Liberal Democrats in seats where it made sense, but broadly endorsed Labour. The Independent was more restrained in its backing, casting its editorial vote for Labour â€Å"with a degree of optimism that is not entirely justified by the evidence†. The paper was clearly more anti-Tory than pro-anything. The Times advised their readers to back Eurosceptic candidates from whatever party, although, in practice, nearly all were Conservatives. Only leads in the Daily Telegraph, and the Daily Mail (â€Å"Labour bully boys are back† â€Å"Labour's broken promises†) remained strongly in the Tory camp. Even the Daily Express was more neutral than in the past: a double-page spread was divided between Lord Hollick, its chief executive, arguing for Labour and its chairman, Lord Stevens, arguing for the Conservatives. The front-page of the election-eve Mail carried a colourful Union Jack border and the apocalyptic warning that a Labour victory could â€Å"undo 1,000 years of our nation's history†. Yet any comparison of editorial policy probably under-estimates the balance of partisanship in news coverage during the overall campaign. For example, the Mail ostensibly endorsed the Conservatives during the campaign, but in practice it probably deeply damaged the government by headlining sexual scandals in the party, and reinforcing images of disunity with leading articles highlighting the number of Tory Eurosceptics. With friends like this, the Conservatives did not need opponents. To understand this we need to go beyond the leaders, which are rarely read, and even less heeded, to examine the broader pattern of front-page stories. The most plausible evidence for dealignment is that certain papers like the Sun, traditionally pro-Conservative, switched camps, but also that front-page stories were often so similar across all the press, driven by news values irrespective of the paper's ostensible partisanship. Since the early 1970s fierce competition for readers has encouraged far more sensational coverage in the popular press, fuelling an endless diet of stories about ‘scandals', (mostly sexual but also financial), infotainment, and the Royals, preferably all three. This process started when Rupert Murdoch bought the News of the World in 1968, and the Sun a year later. It accelerated in the cut-throat competition produced by the launch of the Daily Star in 1978, which sought to out-do the Sun in its relentless search for sex, investigative ‘exclusives' about celebrities, violent crime, and graphic coverage of the bizzare. Those who thought British newspapers had reached their nadir at this point had under-estimated the soft-porn Sunday Sport, launched in 198612. The tackiness of the popular press, such as their exhaustive gossip about the goings-on of the younger Royals, gradually infected and corroded the news culture of the broadsheets as well. By the mid-1990s, the journalism of scandal trumped party loyalties, hands down. This fuelled the series of sleaze stories about senior Conservative politicians hroughout John Major's years in government, and there was no let-up during the campaign. As documented in detail later, the first two weeks of the election were dominated by a succession of stories about corruption in public life and sexual ‘scandals', providing a steady diet of negative news for the government which swamped their message about the economy.

Miles the autobiography essays

Miles the autobiography essays This book, written by Miles Davis, is the autobiography tht he wrote a few years before he died. In this book I found how he first became interested in jazz. It also explains how he became one of the best jazz players of all time. Miles was born in Alton, Illinois in 1926 and grew up in eastern St. Louis. He learned how to play trumpet while in high school on the trumpet that his father gave to him for his 13th birthday. He was a bog fan of jazz and said that the thing that made up his mind to be a musician was wheh he first heard Billy Eckstines band with Dizzy Gillespie on trumpet, and Charlie parker playing the sax. He then moved to New York looking for Charlie Parker and to study classical trumpet at Juilliard School of music. Aftera while parkers drug problem began to take over his life, and this also affected Davis. Davis took some time toget over that, and by the late 50s he was a much bigger star than he had been before due to some of his recent recordings. In 1969, Davis started to record more electronic music, which was the start of the azz-Rock. Later on, when he came out with the albums A Tribute to Jack Johnson, and On the Corner, fans were dissapointed, and thought it was a terrible portrayal of the jazz they knew. Miles then sort of dissapeared from the view of the public eye between 1975 and 1981, but even when he came back, he wasnt as into playing anymore as he had used to be. He played again a couple times before he died in 1991 at 65 years old. As for the authors description of the book, it was all first person, because he wrote the book himself with the help of Quincy Troupe. My conclusion to this book strenghtens what I think about musicians. I dont understand why lots of famous people and especially musicians experiment with drugs. I would think that if their life is going well why mess with it. Another thing this book made ...

buy custom The Book Dangerous Exits essay

buy custom The Book Dangerous Exits essay The book Dangerous Exits: Escaping Abusive Relationships in Rural America is a very important book which deals with the terror faced by many women in rural America in their own homes and the book itself is a very valuable contribution to the Violence Against Women issues by addressing the three common areas which are found in gender-based violence, namely divorce/separation violence, the general experiences of the rural women, and sexual violence like the intimate partner sexual violence. The book was written by DeKeseredy Walter a criminology professor in UOIT (University of Ontario Institute of Technology), Martin Schwartz a sociologist professor, and Joseph Donnermeyer in 2009. This books target audience are criminologists, women scholars and students, activists, practitioners and policy makers. The stated goals of the authors of the book was to shatter all the myths about rural American women, for example, that they live in idyll of home and hearth. Other goal was to reveal the analytic understanding of the dangers that women face as they are abused. Social and geographic isolation deteriorates situation and it is a common characteristics of the many American rural communities. Description Violence against women has been widely spreading in rural America for many decades and has gained a lot of attention from the policy makers, scholars, and general public. Social scientists have made a great contribution to the theoretical understanding as they focused attention on the women victimization. Because of sexual abuse, women are willing to leave behind their hostile and abusive partners. The rural communities are the worst hit with the most cases of victimization of women. Dangerous Exits is a qualitative study which examines the psychological, physical, and sexual violence experienced by the American rural women in a process of leaving the abusive intimate partners. Some of these stories are very touching, heart breaking, insightful, eloquent, sad, and uplifting. The women shared their stories about their abusive partners and how it was dangerous to quit the abusive relationships. This book fits within the context of other related material which is covered in this course. The main reason for this is because the book is a very good companion to a graduate course level or an upper undergraduate level student. The book tries to identify all the hidden crimes of psychological mistreatment of women, economic blackmail crimes, and the relationships which exist between abuse and patriarchy (p. 25). The authors of the book have tried to give voice to the women who have suffered terribly in silence and also tried to find effective solutions as to how these assaults and abuses of the wmen can be stopped and avoided. Analysis The book attempts to answer the question Does Dangerous Exits contributes to building a clear model for the interaction of patriarchal control, sexual abuse, and community complicity in rural areas? The main objectives of this book were addressing the complexities and the risk factors which are associated with the separation and divorce. The author of the book used the feminist methodology to achieve his objectives. He was able to highlight the area which was in most cases under-researched and an area which was neglected for a very long time concerning the battered women who were living in the rural areas and how they were able to stop the abusive relationships. The author acknowledged the global problem and the risk factors which were associated with separation and the divorce in 3 Ohio rural communities. He brought out a case of 43 women who were in the abusive relationships or marriage by leaving the abusive husband or abusive male partner. The information about these women helped in bringing out the foci of the book. The authors created screen questions by the development of structured interview schedules which were aimed at obtaining the representative samples and they used multitude methods to solicit women from participation. After collecting all the data that was required in the study, the authors presented the information in a summary of tables which compared the nonsexual abuse and the separation and divorce sexual abuse (pp. 62-63). The important questions that the book raised are: What drives men to become abusive? Should men be in charge of and control domestic household settings? How can you reduce the incidence of separation and divorce sexual assault in the rural areas? Appraisal This book contributed to understanding of the rural American society and it deserves a very special place in the new scholarship on rural crime since it calls for an immediate action and pushes for a policy change. The book has also made a very valuable contribution to the Violence Against Women by covering the separation and divorce violence, the experiences that these rural women undergo, and sexual violence in general. This book attempts to resolve problems and issues which are related to separation and divorce sexual abuse in rural America. The rural America has been very notorious for sexual abuse committed by the men. In most of the cases abusers are people with low level of education and deeply religious who always think that the woman should obey her husbaand in all situations without any questions. This caused women abuse. The unemployment rate in the rural America is also very high. That is why most of the women and men have to spend time at homes. Monotonous work and lack of money lead to frustration which all too often results in women abuse. The weakest point of the book is the final chapter where the authors committed to the collaborative feminist research interviewed the heroes on how the incidence of the assault could be prevented. The story of the woman who was abused in front of the neighbor who did nothing to help her is very discouraging to the reader (p. 11). The reader would thinkg that there are no ways to stop the violence and it can be very discouraging if the reader is a woman who has been a victim of such violence. This shows that there are no rules and regulations to stop these sexual violence and abuses. The strongest point of this book is that it includes real stories told bywomen from the rural Ohio community in America. The book includes the views of women victims of the separation and divorce sexual assault and the authors were able to write the stories of how they were abused and how they stopped this sexual assault. This book gives the women who have been victims of sexual violence commited by the men whom they were married to or lived with a new hope. This is vivdly seen in the story of the woman who was asked of how she thought about her experiences as a victim. She was very courageous and had a will to buid her life vowing that no man was going to stop her in accomplishing her dreams since she would rather cut off his hand than refuse from her dreams (p. 83). This shows that the book can enable the victims to live a new life, be courageous and strong after leaving the abusive partners. It is a source of inspiration to the women victims. The questions and concerns that the author of the book raised in my mind is that it is very possible to quit an abusive life from an abusive husband or abusive partners as it is the case in very many rural communities in America. According to the study which was carried out by DeKeseredy and Shwartz, the main reason why the separation and divorce sexual assault rate is very high in the rural areas is that most of the victims were poor and lived in poverty stricken areas with numerous cases of illiteracy, which explained why the women were abused by their partners. On my opinion, there is the need for future research to be conducted in this area. The reason why I think so is that DeKeseredys and Shwartzs ideas which are about the culture of the male peer support for the assaults and the abuse should be fleshed out to develop a set of policy proposals which are more robust and which are grounded on the rural life realities. Buy custom The Book Dangerous Exits essay

How are synthetic a prirori ju essays

How are synthetic a prirori ju essays Kant theorizes that synthetic a priori judgments are conceived before an event occurs. He makes the assumption that these synthetic a priori judgments are plausible without any empirical knowledge, exposure, experience, or any related comprehension. Ergo it is false to assume that synthetic a priori conclusions are not justifiable because the articulation of conscious and unconscious stimuli is an occurrence since birth. Kant explains that there are both analytic and synthetic judgments. Analytic judgments are those truths that are self-contained while synthetic judgments are the combining of two ideas to form a completely new idea. He also explains that there are both experiences that are a posteriori and those that are a priori. A posteriori is the knowledge that depends on experience and therefore is defined as after experience. A priori on the other hand is knowledge that can be known prior to experience. Knowing this, we can conclude that analytic a posteriori are not possible. One cannot have a self-contained knowledge of something after an experience. Kant also explains to us that analytic a priori are in fact possible. For instance, the statement all bodies are extended things is an example of analytic a priori. This is because we know that this is true before seeing all of the bodies in the world. Analytic a priori are therefore rationalist statements. Rationalism is a theory that reason is in itself a source of knowledge superior to and independent of sense perceptions. A rainy day is a wet day is an example of a statement that is both rationalist and analytic a priori. This is an analytic a priori judgment because we know that everyday that is a rainy day is also a wet day. On the other hand, if somebody were to say that a rainy day is a warm day it would be an empirical statement. That is because we can only put th...

Influence of Culture on Accounting Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Influence of Culture on Accounting - Essay Example Uniform implementation of International Accounting Standards is taking a long time mainly for this reason. The concerns and constraints of each country are different and most of the countries have well developed accounting norms and standards which they feel are quite adequate for their needs. It is another story that a reader from an alien culture might find the accounts presentation style too elaborate or too brief Dieter Ordelheide (2004 p.269) states that accounting is a social institution. He further states that Accounting is concerned with nothing less than the conceptualization of capital, its concrete expression in numbers, as well as its budgeting and monitoring, and thus with a societal institution that is so central to our economic system that it has given it its name. We might talk of global and market driven economies, the ways and means of determining the income or assets are the core of the entire financial and economic set up. Each cultural group uses these to tray and better their financial position within the culture they belong to. "Professionalism versus Statutory Control-a preference for the exercise of individual professional judgment and the maintenance of professional self-regulation as opposed to compliance with prescriptive level requirements and statutory control. Uniformity versus Flexibility-a preference for the enforcement of uniform accounting practices between companies and for the consistent use of such practices over time as opposed to flexibility in accordance with the perceived circumstances of individual companies. Conservatism versus Optimism-a preference for a cautious approach to measurement so as to cope with the uncertainty of future events as opposed to a more optimistic, laissez-faire, risk-taking approach. Secrecy versus Transparency-a preference for confidentiality and the restriction of disclosure of information about the business only to those who are closely involved with its management and financing as opposed to a more transparent, open, and publicly accountable approach." Thus as per this hypothesis each of these conflicting factors have influenced the development of the accounting standards depending upon their prevalence and dominance in the cultures being referred to. To take the example of Greek economy where the businesses tend to be closely held and public participation is indirect at its best mainly in the form of lending by banks, the need for disclosure or window dressing balance sheets is negligent. So the accounting systems which developed were fairly simple such that the limited number of stakeholders can understand the basic numbers. Of course with integration within the EU the disclosure norms have become more complex still not as complex at other developed countries say USA or Canada. In Greece one suspects that the tax bureaucrats have had a strong hand in dictating the shape of accounting conventions which are still followed. The Greek business houses being closely held tend to be wary of disclosing information to competitors so it is uncommon to see segment

Public International Law (Extradition) Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Public International Law (Extradition) - Essay Example Public international law derives its rights from international agreements and may take any form that the contracting parties agree upon. Agreements may be made in respect to any matter except to the extent that the agreement conflicts with the rules of international law incorporating basic standards of international conduct or the obligations of a member state under the 'Charter of the United Nations(" We the Peoples of the United Nations... United for a Better World", UN Charter 1945) In this context, a brief discussion on the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties, 1969 seems to be relevant. The VCLT (Vienna Convention on law of Treaties )was drafted by the International Law Commission (ILC) of the United Nations, which began work on the Convention in 1949 and finished in 1969 with a diplomatic conference held by the UN in Vienna, Austria. The Convention was adopted on May 22, 1969.The Convention entered into force on January 27, 1980. 108 states have ratified the VCLT (May, 2007). The 1969 Vienna Convention defines a treaty as "an international agreement concluded between States in written form and governed by international law, whether embodied in a single instrument or in two or more related instruments and whatever its particular designation". To recognize the ever-increasing importance of treaties as a source of international law and as a means of developing peaceful cooperation among nations, whatever their constitutional and social systems, To Note the principles of free consent and of good faith and the pacta sunt servanda rule are universally recognized, To affirm that disputes concerning treaties, like other international disputes, should be settled by peaceful means and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, To recall the determination of the peoples of the United Nations to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties can be maintained, To have in mind the principles of international law embodied in the Charter of the United Nations, such as the principles of the equal rights and self-determination of peoples, of the sovereign equality and To recognize and respect independence of all States, of non-interference in the domestic affairs of States, of the prohibition of the threat or use of force and of universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, Believing that the codification and progressive development of the law of treaties achieved in the present Convention will promote the purposes of the United Nations set forth in the Charter, namely, the maintenance of international peace and security, the development of friendly relations and the achievement of cooperation among nations, To affirm the rules of customary international law will continue to govern questions not regulated by the provisions of the present Convention, Extradition Treaties: Extradition is the official process by which one nation or state requests and obtains from another nation or state the surrender of a suspected or convicted criminal. Between nation states, extradition is regulated by treaties. Between sub-national

Illegal Gangs in the USA Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Illegal Gangs in the USA - Essay Example There should be a shift from the community from protecting their members who belong to gangs to all people volunteering information that may be valuable in the eradication of such gangs. The major role of the group as stated above will be to push for legislation that reduces the proliferation of gangs that disrupt the peace that is enjoyed by ordinary Americans. The group will be composed of like-minded citizens who have witnessed the dangerous effect that gangs have on drugs, youth and the society at large. The interested members will be required to register with the group that is aiming to launch a webpage that will better serve their interest and will make it easier for members to communicate. This group will petition the congress to push for the legislation that it publishes. Additionally, other forms of influence will be used including public peaceful demonstrations and aggressive letter writing. Section III: Legislation Bill Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representati ves of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that: Section 1: This bill will control the proliferation of gangs in the country and will be helpful in protecting the citizens from oppression by gangs. Those individuals belonging to illegal gangs will be affected by this bill. Section 2: The regulations stipulated in this bill will affect all citizens of the United States. Section 3: The federal government will be charged with funding all activities arising from this bill and the all arms of the police will be charged with enforcing the regulations stipulated herein. Further regulations will be included and enforced by the respective state police offices. Section 4: Any person found to be in contravention of the stated regulations will be liable to not less than 15 years in prison with fines imposed accordingly. Section 5: The laws stipulated herein will take effect immediately they are passed. The initial step in pushing this bill will be to seek out a representative wh o is sympathetic to our cause and is willing to support it. Then this draft bill is taken to that appointed representative so that he/she can table it in the house (Edwards, Martin & Robert 41). The representative, together with leaders of this group may jointly make appropriate amendments to this bill so that it articulates what we are championing in a format that is clear and without any contradictions or omissions to the particular cause’s parameters. From here, the bill will be discussed in the house and then in the senate and will eventually get to the president who will accent it into an act by appending his signature (Wilson, John & Meena 320). Section IV: CAUSEÂ   It is no secret that prison gangs, street gangs and outlaw motorcycle gangs are the major traffickers of drugs. They are not only involved in the distribution of these drugs but are also involved in the importation of drugs from other countries. It is widely known that these gangs import powdered cocaine an d convert it into crack cocaine in addition to distributing all the PCP available within the US. Other drugs that they peddle in include heroine, methamphetamine, MDMA and marijuana. These gangs vary in organization, size, location and structure. In addition to the distribution

What do you see as Maryland s biggest transportation issue and how Essay

What do you see as Maryland s biggest transportation issue and how would you solve it - Essay Example Majority of these citizens have to use their personal cars due to the limited public transportation systems incurring very high gas expenses. Research by the Bureau of Labor estimates that households use 20% of their income on transportation expenses (Cardin). The commute from rural, Southern Maryland to the urban, Northern area takes a toll on many forcing them to opt for cheaper, unlimited housing opportunities in neighboring states such as Virginia. Congestion on Marylands highways costs the state a lot of money. Many spend productive working hours stuck in traffic. In a survey done by the U.S Census Bureau, traffic volume increased exponentially in a span of 10 years (1998-2008) to 17.2%; however, transport infrastructure expanded only by 7% (Cox, 2009). This meant that the infrastructure is unable to meet the high demand leading to congestion. In conclusion, unless state officials find lasting solutions to the transportation crisis, the states economy will plummet. The high expenses incurred from gas expenditure for personal cars, and the loss of productive time on congested highways is among the challenges state officials must

Health Policy and the Federal Government Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Health Policy and the Federal Government - Essay Example The congress is also tasked with the implementation of programs such as the Medicare and veterans administration. It also serves to ascertain that the various institutes of health research receive enough funding and support. The Congress also ought to mull over Medicaid and consider its funding sources (McLaughlin, 2008). The Congress has instituted committees that are tasked with the implementations of health programs and policies based on their specific needs. Various commissions perform functions that include standardizing, devising programs, financial control and supervision of the implementation. The Senate and the House of Representatives form the Congress. The Senate comprises of 100 members, two members from every state while the House of Representatives comprises of 435 members (McLaughlin, 2008). The duration of their term in office differs since the term of Senators expires after six years, while the House of representative members only last for two years. Both houses have four committees each, mandated with the task of deliberating on health issues. Since these houses have dissimilar times in office, the tasks of these committees also differ. Both houses make up eight committees that possess diverse expertise on health issues. Such representatives’ core task is to draft bills based on the appeals of the people, and forward them to the congressional clerk for consideration. The pertinent committee then takes up these opinions and creates motions that deliberate on various changes, through careful consultations. The clerk then conducts a poll and the draft passes the other house for further deliberation and final approval (Holtz, 2008). The bill then sets off to the president who finally ascends it into law. Eight steps form the core part of the legislation. Identifying the problem is the initial stage of

What do you see as Maryland s biggest transportation issue and how Essay

What do you see as Maryland s biggest transportation issue and how would you solve it - Essay Example Majority of these citizens have to use their personal cars due to the limited public transportation systems incurring very high gas expenses. Research by the Bureau of Labor estimates that households use 20% of their income on transportation expenses (Cardin). The commute from rural, Southern Maryland to the urban, Northern area takes a toll on many forcing them to opt for cheaper, unlimited housing opportunities in neighboring states such as Virginia. Congestion on Marylands highways costs the state a lot of money. Many spend productive working hours stuck in traffic. In a survey done by the U.S Census Bureau, traffic volume increased exponentially in a span of 10 years (1998-2008) to 17.2%; however, transport infrastructure expanded only by 7% (Cox, 2009). This meant that the infrastructure is unable to meet the high demand leading to congestion. In conclusion, unless state officials find lasting solutions to the transportation crisis, the states economy will plummet. The high expenses incurred from gas expenditure for personal cars, and the loss of productive time on congested highways is among the challenges state officials must

Just answer the Question Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Just answer the Question - Essay Example It is undoubted that human beings have played a significant role in climate change leading to depredation of the biosphere and extinction of vast species of flora and fauna. With no qualm, the earth’s biodiversity faces constant threats that would merit some intervention. However, time is a healing factor. Let the earth be for the next one million years and the current tribulations it faces will be past tense, safely buried in the world of history. If the world needs no saving, what does? Humanity is obviously under threat. Human beings are headed for extinction taking many more species with them besides the ones that have already disappeared. The human race population is fast skyrocketing and will soon surpass the carrying capacity of the earth (Cobb Para 5). Human activities such as burning of fossil fuels releasing excess carbon dioxide into the atmosphere, thus accentuating global warming can only do more harm to humans and other species essential for the continuity of humanity. Consequently, man’s efforts to curb adverse phenomena such as global warming are focused more on saving humanity rather than the world. Therefore, the world needs no saving as does humanity because it can cope with its tribulations over

George Eastman Essay Example for Free

George Eastman Essay George Eastman is best remembered for his very significant invention which is the Kodak camera. Through his invention, he made photography easy and inexpensive to people. Although George Eastman was a dropout from school, he was able to support his mother and his two sisters, one of whom was severely handicapped . His father died early when he was 14, which is why he had to drop from school. He then worked in an insurance company and then in a local bank where he served as a clerk. Using his ability and creative mind, he invented the first camera which was powered by a roll film. A few years later, he successfully directed his own Eastman Kodak Company. His exposure in photography started when he was 24 when he planned to visit Sto. Domingo together with his co-worker. Before the vacation, he was advised to record their trip so he prepared photographic outfits and materials that are big and complicated. From there, he concentrated in making the long process of photography simple while he was employed as a clerk. After three years, he was able to finish his dry plate formula and patented machines for producing more plates and sold it to photographers . However, his business collapsed when he had to replace dry plates which were destroyed. Afterwards, he used lighter and more flexible support than glass . More developments followed when he used the coat of photogrphic emulsion on paper and loaded it in a roll holder . He again changed the paper into a transparent roll film and roll holder and the first roll film camera was devised. Various advertisements of his work ensued. In 1888, the Kodak camera was formally introduced and his statement, â€Å"you press the button, we do the rest† became a well- known phrase . His ingenuity has made the usually expensive photography available to all. Aside from that, George Eastman is known also as a philanthropist for giving away his fortune. One of his great contributions is the Rochester Institute of Technology . Bibliography George Eastman (2008) Kodak http://www. kodak. com/US/en/corp/kodakHistory/eastmanTheMan. shtml at 4 June See also studymoose.com/friendship-speech-essay

International Relations: Western Centric Discipline

International Relations: Western Centric Discipline In examining whether IR is a Western centric discipline, this essay will firstly look into the significance of the fact that its central thinkers have resided historically in Western countries. It argues that this has an effect on the issues considered relevant to IR, while it also means that IR theory is grounded in a cultural and intellectual context that aggrandises the West, and Others the Third World. The essay secondly looks at the key ideas of Realism and Liberalism (the dominant traditions in the field) in all their forms, and explains how they derive from Western-centric presumptions. It thirdly examines the inherent Western-centrism of the Westphalian model in traditional IR. The majority of IR scholars have come from core countries. Third World scholars have largely been excluded because research and debate take place in specialist journals and academic associations, in English and in a particular language of IR. Financial scarcity in Southern academic institutions also affects Third World scholars ability to participate (Tickner, 2003, pp. 296-301, 311, 324). This has an effect on the discipline overall as scholars are inevitably influenced by their surroundings, both in terms of their distinct academic settings making them subject to particular frameworks and terminologies and their concrete working conditions. A scholar who every day witnesses phenomena such as poverty or war will undoubtedly reflect differently upon reality and prioritise different issues in their research agendas than a scholar in the core. The latters material benefits as well as autonomy accorded by tenure can serve to separate them from the worlds critical problems, enabling th em in conjunction with other academics to artificially construct boundaries to the field through self-referential interaction, and to ignore analytical categories and perspectives that do not sit with their worldviews. This can account for the marginalisation of the Third World in the study in IR (Tickner, 2003, pp. 300-311). Additionally, these Western IR scholars are writing against a cultural backdrop that is Western-centric. It is often implicitly assumed that world politics happens exclusively in the Northern hemisphere and the history regarded as important and relevant in popular discourse reflects this. For example the Holocaust takes a central position in Western historiography while colonial genocides, a routine feature of European expansion, are largely overlooked (Barkawi, 2006, pp. 334-343; Tickner, 2003, p. 307). This is interlinked with the popular and intellectual conception of the (particularly Anglo-American) West as a force for good in the world. WWII for instance is often portrayed as a battle of freedom against tyranny, in which the former supposedly came out victorious. This ignores that the principle of self-determination outlined in the Atlantic Charter was only intended by Western leaders to apply to Europeans; the Allies were fighting the war in the far East largely for control o ver China, and the British only granted India independence because of their realisation that it could no longer be held militarily (Barkawi, 2006, pp. 339-343). There are many examples of such double standards, which are symptomatic of the degrading view of the Orient (I use it here to mean the wider Third World) commonly held in the West (Said, 2003, pp. 1-12). This view was implicit within the writings of early progressive and cosmopolitan thinkers, upon which much modern thinking is based. Kant, despite one of the three major revolutions of his time being the Haitian struggle against slavery, omitted the aspiration of slaves for freedom from three major treatises on love for humanity, while Locke went as far as to justify the colonial seizing of land from Indians. The moral frameworks set out by such thinkers have sinister implications for the social institutions they inspired. If, for instance, Kants theories of international order were not really designed to foster peaceful coe xistence, then Liberal institutionalism becomes highly suspect. Axiomatic categories of international ethics and society are therefore to an extent rooted in concepts pertaining to imperialist and colonial perspectives (Grovogui, 2007, pp. 234-235; Locke, 1764, no page given). As a result the Orient has been defined in Western discourse by what it supposedly lacks rationality, development, and civilisation in contrast with the West. The construction of this dichotomy between the West and Others serves to falsely homogenise different regions, cultures, and histories analytically, thereby masking the complex nature of international reality and preventing nuanced analyses of phenomena in the Third World. This arrogant and narrow view can be seen for example in mainstream Western explanations for violence in periphery states, which is said to derive from a lack of modern Western institutions (Barkawi, 2006, pp. 336-347; Tickner, 2003, pp. 311-315). These public attitudes have indubita bly filtered into academia, and so claims to neutrality and objectivity among Western scholars are inevitably false, serving only to mask intellectual presumptuousness and sympathies with the powerful, imperialist core (Agathangelou and Ling, 2004, p. 36; Barkawi, 2006, p. 344; Grovogui, 2007, pp. 232-237). Western-centrism can clearly be identified in the Liberal and Realist traditions of IR. Liberalism is informed by ethical principles, giving it a normative agenda based on fostering peace and cooperation for mutual gain through international institutions. Yet these ethical principles are a product of Western intellectual histories, while the institutions at the core of their analyses, such as the UN, were founded, and are dominated, by Western powers (Barkawi, 2006, p. 331; Jervis, 1999, pp. 43-63; Powell, 1994, pp. 335-344). It can thus be said that Liberalism serves to rationalise Western hegemony by institutionalising and universalising Western laws, rules and ideas (Agathangelou, 2004, p. 31; Grovogui, 2007, pp. 235-236). Further than this however, these institutions can validly be accused of working in the interests of the West at the expense of the rest of the world. The League of Nations and limited government for instance were two institutions that served to uphold the inters tate commercial system. Liberals claim that this leads to corporate growth, which in turn generates prosperity. However, this ignores the pertinent criticism that it in fact may lead to prosperity solely for Western countries, thereby rendering the Third World economically dependent on an increasingly hegemonic Western order (Agathangelou, 2004, pp. 24-25; Tickner, 2003, p. 306). Realism on the other hand is Western-centric by open admission. It regards Great powers as the most important objects of study because it claims that in an anarchical international system only they can account for change; and in modern times they have been concentrated in the West. The actions of the weak are regarded as marginal or derivative of those of the powerful (Agathangelou, 2004, p. 27; Barkawi, 2006, pp. 329-334; Tickner, 2003, pp. 300-301). Such an outlook however comes from an implicit prioritising of the security needs of the strong. Suggesting that only the Great powers have real agency means the weak, which make up the majority of the worlds population, are left out of the analysis altogether, and therefore their experiences and problems are disregarded. Furthermore, the strong do what they will while the weak do what they must attitude rationalises and justifies Western attempts to dominate other countries, while also ignoring the fact that modern Southern movements do have the ability to fundamentally change world politics as is shown by Al-Qaeda and 9/11 (Agathangelou, 2004, p. 24; Barkawi, 2006, pp. 329-334, 352; Grovogui, 2007, p. 244; Tickner, 2003, p. 300). Traditional IR is intrinsically Western-centric. Its scope is everything that goes on between sovereign states which are regarded as the primary actors to be analysed as opposed to within states. States being the basic units of analysis means that the international arena is regarded as anarchic; containing no supreme body above the state level. This idea is known as the Westphalian model (Barkawi, 2002, pp. 111-112; Tickner, 2003, pp. 299, 309). Yet the condition of international anarchy posited is one that only applies in some contexts. Weaker countries are in practice subordinate to more powerful Western countries; making the international system effectively hierarchical. It can only be seen as otherwise from the eyes of those competing for control of it (Tickner, 2003, p. 309). This Westphalian model relies also on an idea of sovereign statehood which is applicable only to particular times and places mainly the West (Barkawi, 2002, p. 110). In Africa for instance state borders are mostly artificial boundaries drawn up by the old colonial powers, with each national territory containing a variety of social, linguistic, ethnic and religious groups. Accepting the state as the foundation for analysis is the same as acknowledging the legitimacy of colonial territoriality and the institutional expression of colonialism. It also ignores the fact that many states in Africa have been usurped of many of their functions by other bodies, such as armed militias, organic nationalist movements, and international businesses, making them not the central political actors in the region (Grovogui, 2007, p. 236; Tickner, 2003, pp. 315-316). Traditional IR ignores the relevance of community for study, as well as the relations between local political and cultural groups, and therefore the constitution of states. It cannot comprehend, and therefore dismisses, the complex societal interactions that take place in the Third World (Barkawi, 2002, pp. 111-112; Tickner, 2003, pp. 309-3 10, 323). IR scholarship in recent years has attempted to overcome Western-centrism. Dependency theories for instance strove to break Third World economic and intellectual dependence on the core. Later Postpositivist theories acknowledged the artificiality of the disciplines borders and the narrowness of its discourses. However these theories have shown limited success in this regard because they are all based on Western intellectual traditions and analytical frameworks (Agathangelou, 2004, p. 28; Tickner, 2003, pp. 306, 324). It is apparent that IR is a Western-centric discipline. The fact that the vast majority of its scholars hail from the West has an inevitable distorting effect on academic study, in terms of: the issues considered important, the actors given attention, and the categories of Self and Others. These distortions all ultimately derive from Western intellectual tradition and popular and political discourse, which form the basis of the writers understandings and worldviews. There have been attempts in recent years to overcome these problems, but so long as the field of IR continues to be dominated by Westerners and excludes those born and raised in the Third World, it will remain Western-centric. Government Accountability: Child Labour Government Accountability: Child Labour INTRODUCTION: In this topic I have focussed on the Child labour problem in worst form in India, in India though Child Rights recognised and even many legislations passed to deal with the children rights but the children rights are continuously in one or other form violated. The topic try to expose abuse of children rights of those children who are working in hazardous work places like mines, firework industries and other informal (registered or unregistered small mines and quarries) and other sectors. In this topic I tried focus on the worst situation that children facing in the above sectors that the magnitude of the problem and conditions of the children are disclosed. The topic further discussed the role of the Government and Non Governmental Organisations eradicating this social disorder. India continuously facing the child labour problem, in India child labour is a socio, economic and political problem. As a developing nation India facing this problem and it is hampering the growth of the nation in many ways. Indias one of the main goals is to put end to child labour. There is a huge exploitation in the marginalised groups in other terms poor among poor is more or less vulnerable sections. And if we talk about child they are more vulnerable, childhood of these exploited sections are wiped, these tender buds are muscled to take burden of unwanted. Childs are many ways are exploiting like child trafficking, child prostitution, and child labour and child slavery. India is the example for the child labour curse. Since independence, India has dedicated itself to be against child labour. Article 24 of the Indian constitution clearly states, No child below the age of fourteen years shall be employed to work in any factory or mine or employed in any hazardous employment  [ 1]  . Article 39(e) directs State policy such that the health and strength of the workers and the tender age of children are not forced by economic necessity to enter avocations unsuited to their age or strength  [2]  . These two Articles illustrates that India has constantly had goals of taking concern of its children and ensuring the protection of workers. In regard to child labour the Indian government enacted the Child Labour Act in 1986. The purpose of this act is to prohibit the employment of children who have not completed their 14th year in specified hazardous occupations and processes  [3]  . Children life is miserable under fourteen who has to earn for their families and they have to work with great pain for little amount. Poverty and illiteracy are main causes in these segregated sections causing exploitation. Families who are below poverty line do not have think about the any other issue of the society rather to how the day will go on every day. The governments have taken measures but they are lacking in implementation, there is a huge resentment in the civil society the application levels are very low in developing countries and they always try to escape in one or other ways give their accountability to international Agencies. India as signatory of international covenants trying to strengthen to its local and national laws to eradicate the problem. India is signatory to ILO forced labour convention, ILO abolition of forced labour convention and UN convention of the right of the child. As per the International labour organisation report 12.6 million  [4]  children are working in different sectors in India as per the census data on the child labour. NGOs and other social activist working remarkably to bring awareness in the society. Many activities holding awareness programmes in the society trying pull out the society from the plague of child labour. Judiciary also taking very stringent stand over the child labour issues. International covenant on convention on rights of the child recognises that children should be having special care and assistance to grow. Not only is that committee on the rights of the child the body of experts who monitors the implementation of convention by the state parties. The child must be spruced well in the decisive years of his life. He must receive education, acquire knowledge of man and materials and blossom in such an atmosphere that on reaching age, he is found to be a man with a mission, a man who matters so for as the society is concerned. The child rights violated in the form of child slavery or bonded labour, child trafficking, child prostitution and pornography, child soldiers, domestic child servants, hazardous child labour. As the topic mainly dealing with child labour, the children are exploiting as labour in mainly following categories field of work cultivation; agricultural labour; livestock, forestry, fishing, plantation; mining and quarrying; manufacturing, processing, servicing and repairs; construction; trade and commerce; transport, storage, and communication; and other services. Not only the above categories children used as labour, children are used to manufacturing explosives like making matches, crackers, gem polishing, paper bag making, manufacturing sport goods, handicrafts, carpet weaving, gas stations, silk cultivation, glass and brass manufacturing, leather tanning etc, these are the examples of worst form of child labouring these all are some examples that we can understand that in many forms chi ld can be abused and his rights are violated in everyday life. The topic mainly enlightening on child labour who works in mining and quarrying and Agriculture sectors in hazardous and other informal industries. Historical background of child labour laws in India: Before discussing further lets summarise the child labour laws and change in the course of developing nation. Any child under the age specified by law worldwide works full time, mentally or physically to earn for own survival or adding to family income, that interrupts childs social development and education is called child labour. After set up of the International Labour Organisation, in 1919 under the League of Nations there is clear consciousness to set up international guidelines by which the employment of children under a certain age could be regulated in industrial undertakings. And suggested a minimum age of 12 be to work. British India adopted the same Sir Thomas Holland had introduced in the legislative assembly. Though there were many furores by the members, it is the starting of the recognition of child care at work. We can say that the International Labour Organisation is playing a vital role in eradicating the child labour from industrial exploitation. A Royal Commission on Labour came to be established in 1929 to inquire into various matters relating to labour in this country. The report came to be finalised in 1931. It brought to light many inequities and shocking conditions under which children worked. The Commission had examined to conditions of child labour in different industries and had found that children had been obliged to work any number of hours per day as required by their masters. It was also found that they were subject to corporal punishment. The Commission had felt great concern at the placing of children by parents to employers in return for small sums of money; and as this system was found to be indefensible it recommended that any bond placing a child should be regarded as void. The recommendations of the Commission came to be discussed in the Legislative Assembly and the Children (Pleading of Labour) Act, 1933 came to be passed, which may be said to be the first statutory enactment dealing with child labour. Many statutes came to be passed thereafter. As on today, the following legislative enactments are in force prohibiting through various provisions of employment of child labours in different occupations. Factories Act, 1948 prohibit that no child under the age 14 allowed to work in factories. Plantation of Labour Act, 1951 prohibits children under the age 12 in the field of plantation. Merchant shipping Act, 1951 disallows who under age fifteen to carried or engaged to sea to work in any ship though there are some exemptions for who carrying family business and home trade with some restrictions. Mines Act, 1952 in this act prohibits any child to take part in any mining operations; there is total ban on child to take work in the mines in below the grounds or in open cast work. Motor Transport workers Act, 1961 bars no child be allowed to take any work in motor transport undertakings. Apprentice Act, 1961 prescribes the qualification to become apprentice that person shall not qualify unless he crosses the age fourteen. Beedi and Cigar Workers (Conditions of Employment) Act, 1966 prohibits of employment in the concerned industries. Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986. (A ct 61 of 1986). These regulations clearly show that legislatives have firmly considered necessary prohibition on Child labour. Though strong legislations in India there are many loopholes and ineffective administration authorities who splitting the wound continuously. Children rights are open to abuse in social, economic and political background of the society. Worst form of child labour some Illustrations: In many industries have been in the process of exploitation like match and firework industries, glass and bangle industries, stone quarrying industries etc., There are no registration industries who dealing with these kind of work in such places high hazardous situations where children were to take work quarries cutting stones brushing them loading and unloading not even shelters to take rest in all the seasons they have to work for more than 6 to 8 hours daily for meagre amount. Many diseases they have to face like bronchitis, lung and respiratory problems. The children are, as bonded labours have to work for little money or for sake of their family earnings. Child labour mostly exploited by informal industries like small mining and quarrying industries, here the large range of work activities and practices take place, like excavating, cutting, panning, processing, breaking, blending, carrying, transporting and marketing. Here one illustration is important to give that how the child workers are working and how they are in miserable conditions. That is in Sivakasi, Tamilnadu state, India it is known as home of Match and firework industries. The region is mostly located with these industries. There are around more than 450 match and firework manufacturers are located. But the exact number of child workers in this industry is difficult to work, but as per the official report Office of the Registrar General, District Profile 1991- Tamil Nadu (1991) more than thirty thousand child between ages six to fourteen in these manufacturing units  [5]  . But some other sources and social activists opine the number is much more than the statistics r eport. Children had had to work in dangerous and hazardous units many Non Governmental Organisations, media, and labour unions continuously drawing attention of the same to government and Merchant association. But their efforts put in to vain in many ways due to negligible administrative authorities, under the power politics of Merchants association. Due to fire accidents in these industries damage is very horrible; in reported news in one accident 23 children were born alive. There are many shivering and terrified incidents took place in these mining industries. Human right activist and Advocate Sri M.C. Mehta filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court of India vide W.P.465/1986  [6]  the Supreme court said that this is the example of worst offender who violating the prohibition of employing child in hazardous industries. Court constituted a committee for analyse and recommendations after considering the recommendations of the committee court directed that employment of childre n in match and firework factories is shall not be permitted. Children who are working in hazardous employment is violated the spirit of the constitution. The Supreme Court directed that the children employed in the match factories for packing purposes must work in separate premises for packing. Employers should not be permitted to take work from the children for more than six hours a day. The employers and State Govt. should provide proper transport facilities for travelling of the children from their homes to their work places and back. Facilities for recreation, socialisation and education should be provided either in the factory or close to the factory. Employers should make arrangements for providing basic diets for the children and in case they fail to do so, the Government may be directed to provide for basic diet one meal a day programme of the State of Tamilnadu for school children may be extended to the child worker. A National Commission for childrens welfare should be se t up to prepare a scheme for child labour abolition in a phased manner. Such a Commission should be to this Honble Court directly and should report to this Honble Court at periodical intervals about the progress. The court decision quite surprising one many other issues that not dealt in this case when there is clear prohibition court try to segregate work in to two different sectors like packaging and processing and working child allowed to packaging section difficult to understand the court view. The most difficult side of these decisions is that they did not afford relief for children employed outside of the enumerated hazardous industries But it show that how the miserable situations the child worker face reflects. The root cause is very simple but very strong one extreme poor condition of the families of those children, more than 75 percentage families eking their livelihood in those groups of society. These people exposed to extreme hazardous conditions no adequate measurements will take place even the prescribed laws are there. Violations are common, health conditions of the children are neglected every minute and day. Though there are many issues have to deal this is the first step towards protection of the child labour rights. This is only one situation where brought in to light where in many other industries like mines, quarrying, glass and bangle etc like many informal industries means non registered industries, are exploiting the childhood of the nation which is intolerable. In quarrying industries child labour situation is unjustifiable and inhuman small children between age 6 to 14 who are working where there is no monitoring and census record shows of their exploitation but it is true that they are openly curbing the child rights every day. Child labour in the quarrying industries works for more than 10 hours a day they are used to cut the stones in different sizes, load and unload the stones. Children are illegally forced to mining works, the mining contractors engage them in digging, breaking stones, filtering, load and unload, dumping, transporting, and processing activities. In iron ore mining child labour used to make a basin of iron ore child has to hammer and fill one basin of ore hardly he earns three pence in a day a child makes 5 to t basin of iron ore earning below 50 pence a day. Every iron basin the child filled up tells the story the magnitude of the problem that they are facing. In these industries very less or no safety equipments and no prescribed pay system even. In the working areas are always open to susceptible to accidents, injuries, and chronic mining leads to severe health problems. Children who engaged in granite industries faces the similar problem they used for collecting kerosene from mine tailing and in the washer pits from their bare hands handling toxic waste. In other hand the contractors, mine owners, traders and all other merchandisers escaping from the accountability easily though they are blatantly violating the child labour laws. The shift to privatisation and open market economy after Indias new economic policies has led to pushing women and children into the informal labour force, especially in sectors like mining where deregulation of laws for attracting foreign direct investment and private investments have led to mechanisation and retrenchment of workers and have diluted the legal protections towards labourers and marginalized sections. This calls for urgent investigation of all the mine s in the country. Hospet-Bellary mining industry in Karnataka is the example of such conditions 3 big mines ranging over 83 hectors, and 6 big mines in bellary regions and 37 other mines spread over the region. These mines excavate iron ore, manganese, gold, quartz, granite and decorative stones. Fact finding team who reported about the child labour violations is shocking shameful to the nation. In these mines Activity takes place with drawing out the ore, breaking the raw ore rocks into small stones and shingles and into fine powder. The mining area has vast extraction site stretching in acres. These areas consist of extraction sites, stone crushing units, stockyards, dump yards, weighing and permit yards, motor vehicle yards, and wagon laoding points across the railway line. These mines in Bellary district are on the hills stretching almost 180 km. The labour that works are migrant workers and mostly form Scheduled cast (Dalits) and tribes these poor labour were engaged by middle persons to work in the mines. In these mines to work the whole family of the poor labour migrates and whole family except old live at work place and work in the mines. In the work area again child labour divided girl labour work with women in breaking the ore into stones. When a heap of lumps is gathered girl children take them to process sieving the lump into iron ore powder. If a boy labour then he goes with men digging and loading and unloading work. And the wages depends on the child labour capability. In these mining areas labour are mostly woman and children more than half of the labour these sections only works. This situation is not only the iron ore mines, in the District Bellary and Hose pet and its surrounding areas children are engaged in granite mines. In these mines kerosene is used to cut the granite and children are used to constrict and strain kerosene tanks and children have to spend hours together dipped their waist in the kerosene tanks. How bizarre to hear and h azardous but this is the daily routine life for them who working in the granite mines in Hosepet, Bellary, Karnataka. From the surround villages of these mines children brought to work, some go to school and some dont, some children who are the sole earners for their families who used to work in the mines. Children are usually got in to expose to accidents and health problems apart from that the children are at high risk to trafficking and sexual harassment. Usually the mines are open cast form and children labour have to work open without any shelter whatever the weather may be, they do not use any safety equipments, even no drinking water facilities available all the labour have to walk a stretch of 2 to 5 kms. No toilets are provided woman and young children has to do their natural calls openly in humiliation conditions. Conditions in the mines are so pathetic, even after the work to wash or bath there is no water facility, and more over labour have to eat with their dirty hands, though the open site dust falls in their vessels. The mine sites are with full of mosquitoes and insects where the children and woman stay and live. Due contaminated and polluted atmosphere children and people who working in the mines usually get sick, while due to meagre amount of wages labour reluctant to go for medication, due to this mining labour developing chronic illness like tuberculosis, siliceous, cancer, respiratory problems and other disorders they are effecting from. These labour work as casual labours and as a curse they cannot use public health services, and they have to go private doctors treatment, and there wages go for medicines and only for temporary relief. These are the merciful conditions of the child labour in the mines industries, traders, owners of these mines very rarely respond on any severe issues raised on. Children rights are apparently abusing by these industries with no accountability and irresponsible authorities helpless with inadequate infrastruc ture. Many social activists and NGOs like HAQ  [7]  (means right in Urdu) ( centre for child rights), Bachpan Bachao Andolan (Save the child movement)  [8]  organisations, M.V. Foundation a voluntary organisation, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh, reacted and have taken some initiations to bring out the truth of the child labour conditions in these mines, and submitted report to Karnataka government, acting upon the report Government of Karnataka appointed high level of committee for recommendations. My main concern about the child labour and abuse of their rights, though there are many Acts and regulations land Apex court directions regarding the Child labour, like Mines Act, 1952 prohibits totally children to take any form of work who are below fourteen years. Who are to be blamed for the cycle of exploitation of women and child labour the society, the government, implementation body, parents, judiciary, traders, media we have to move forward in the civilisation society, we have to take collective responsibility, and try to correct every part of the section of society and with the cooperation with each of the institution we have to up lift the children rights. Its now nations duty to eradicate child labour abuses in all forms the above are only the worst form of abuse the child labour rights. In many other organised and unorganised, formal and informal, registered and unregistered industries these rights of children are violated every day. Agriculture sector is where child rights abused extensively, Agriculture is the main source in Indian economy, and in this field child labour is in the form of boned labour. Bonded labour in the farm sector arise when people who do not have any source of land to cultivate or those tenant farmers or small farmers takes loan from the landlords or other sources in return they offer their labour else their children as bonded labour until paid off. Who are considered to be in training to become adult bonded labourers, graze cattle and assist bonded adults. This system is widespread throughout the central India and south India. Bonded children are sometimes subjected to physical punishment and suffer from a high incidence of severe malnutrition, vitamin deficiency, anaemia, tuberculosis, and skin and parasitic diseases. They have no time for either leisure or education over 90 percent of bonded labourers in India, many of whom became bonded as children, have never had the opportunity to g o to school. Children working in Zari (embroidery work on dresses) Industries in Delhi, Delhi as National capital it are destination and transit point for the traffickers. Children from the different places from other States trafficked here for exploitation, they are converted as sex workers or labour in domestic works and zari industries. Fashion and export make Delhi an important business hub. Due to demand of the work contractors engage children as cheap labour to get more marginal benefit. Traffickers lure poor families promising for good earning to send children. Nearby villages people send their children for work attracting by agents. Children are forced to work long hours as up to 20 hours a stretch despite the consequences of their age and ability and of course with total ignoring of their physical and mental requirements. If they refuse to work they were beaten up badly. While working in the embroidery children every so often cut their fingers very badly. They have to work in confined ro oms, and at last children paid only 30 rupees a week (around 40 pence). And some children are trafficked to brick kilns where they have to work with adults making bricks. The families who effected with trafficking are mostly Muslim minorities. Social activists and child right defenders many times rescued these children but many times these children are re-trafficked. Developing countries always struggle with inadequate economic growth; child labour is one of the results due to inadequate economic growth. In one sense economic development, poverty and child labour are interlinked with each other. As a developing country child labour problem haunting India but this problem is not much is to eradicate in concern with economic growth policies. India must do more to combat child labour, primarily if the causes of child labour include caste discrimination, little or no educational opportunities for Young people and misconceptions about childrens work. Children working in the hidden sectors, particularly those in domestic work and prostitution, have become vulnerable to sexual abuse. This makes them more susceptible to unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS  [9]  . Active participation Cooperation of NGOs like Bachpan Bachao Andolan (save the child), Haq centre for the right of the child, international programme of elimination of child labour(IPEC), Global march against child labour, UNICEF India, M.V. Foundation, social activists, human right activists are remarkably working towards eradication of child labour problem. Many organisations working on child rights, they are focussed mainly in the tribal and urban informal child labours, and marginalised labour. Educating not only children their families, mobilising them to understand and bring awareness on their rights, exploitation. Social organisations try to bring fact findings of like situations in light and where enforcement authorities fail to do so, even after many fact finding reports submitted to concern administrative authorities if fail to take actions, bringing the inaction of those authorities filing public interest litigation in Supreme Court of India. Government role: India as large democratic country and as member of United Nation Committed to eradicate all social evils which violates Human Rights. And as party to International covenants and one of the main member of International Labour Organisation, as developing country India has many millennium Goals. Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) is an international monitoring body monitors implementation of the convention on the rights of the child by state parties. Under this convention every state party has to submit their periodical report to the committee. 53rd session of the committee of right of the child will be help in Geneva January 2010. India as a developing nation and high birth rates and population child labour problem is identified as Socio, Economic and political problem and it is linked with poverty and illiteracy inextricably. Gurupadaswamy Committee  [10]  is the first committee on child labour problem constituted in way back 1974, the committee have suggested many recomme ndations to the government. The committee rightly opined that as long as the poverty and illiteracy continues in the society it is very hard to eradicate the child labour problem. On base of the recommendations of the committee The child labour (prohibition and regulation) Act, 1986 was enacted. The Act prohibits employment of children in certain specified hazardous occupations and processes and regulates the working conditions in others. To deal with the child labour problem Government of India has taken National Child Labour Projects  [11]  these projects are the main rehabilitation schemes for the child labour. The main concept of the project is to open at district level rehabilitation centres and schools through National project societies for the child labour. In these centres make available to children with vocational training, providing supplementary nutrition and non formal education, providing health care through trained doctors. Children are withdrawn from work and main streamed to schools. With the help of international programme of elimination of child labour programme an organisation of international labour organisation the main objectives of the programme to mobilising the society and bringing the awareness in the society in the process of elimination of child labour. The Ministry of Labour, Government of India and US, Deptt. Of Labour have developed a project under ILO-IPEC for Prevention Elimination of Child Labour in identified Hazardous Sectors  [12]  . The main objectives of these projects is to identify the children who are working in hazardous employment, it also insists a detailed survey to be conducted to identify these children. The second aim is those identified children from the age group 8-14 working in hazardous employment withdrawing them from the such employment and providing them rehabilitation facilities and education. These projects not only encourage children to withdraw from employment, these projects recognise the fam ily of the dependent children and assure to provide viable income sources. These projects also insist social education and awareness programmes. In the tribal areas Government of India started Girijana Vikas Kendras and Vidya Vikas Kendras these institutions educate and mobilise them to eradicate child labour. The right of children to Free and compulsory education Act, 2009, is enacted by the parliament of India amending the constitution of India, inserting Article 21-A, providing free and compulsory education for the children off age group 6 to 14 as Fundamental Right. Not only that it provides specific reservation in private schools 25% seats for poor families, without any hassle. Conclusions: Thus child labour is still a burning problem in India and we must be ready and, more importantly, willing to combat this evil which is spreading its wings larger day by day. However, the government is trying but without the concern of the people, this problem cannot be eradicated. The recently conducted surveys are decisive that laws enforcements leaves lot to be desired. On the other hand if a child or his/her parents are unaware of the rights they are privileged with, it makes the task harder. If the family is poor and illiteracy resides in the houses, it becomes a very difficult matter, if not impossible, to eradicate this problem solely by the government itself. Therefore, if the society and the government work together hand in hand, it would be an able effort to regulate and eradicate this problem from our country and make it a better country of our dream. The Latin Maxim boni judicis est ampliare juridictionem(meaning law must keep pace with the society to retain its relevance, for if the society moves but law remains static, it shall be had for both. ) must be followed practically. Children are our assets. The common people should consider this quote and the