Market Risks Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Market Risks - Essay Example For example, investors lose billions of dollars of their money when Pakistan stock market crashed in 2005. (KSE.com.pk/2005) This list of risk in not exhaustive, but there are also thousands of other risks when investing in an emerging market. Another major risk is differences in culture and religion of the host country and the company. In 2006/7, there was an issue of blasphemous cartoons being published in Norwegian newspapers. This angered the Muslims all over the world. Telenor, one company which is from Norway and operating in Muslim countries like Bangladesh and Pakistan suffered as a result. Many people stopped using their service and many governments threatened or fined the company. To make the matters worse people also protested and damaged their branches. As a result, the company suffered huge losses and at one time it looked like that whole of their investment is going to go wasted. (Grameen Phone, 2005) Similarly, disparity of income in many countries has made matter worse for these businesses. For example, Subway initially entered as luxury brand in Pakistan. But because people in Pakistan are generally poor, they were not able to afford this expensive food and hence the business suffered huge losses until they bring their prices down which implied reduction in profits for SubWay.

The Enlightenment and Its Social and Ideological Consequences Worldwide Essay Example for Free

The Enlightenment and Its Social and Ideological Consequences Worldwide Essay The Enlightenment in Europe, roughly from 1600 to the French Revolution in 1789, was an era that stressed, most of all, the rationalistic basis of science, and its application to all element of life. This essay argues that much of this rhetoric, such as from Bacon or Kant, is a mystification, and that the basic structure of the Enlightenment was about the rationalization of power and domination. This paper will begin its discussion on the Enlightenment with Immanuel Kant’s â€Å"What is Enlightenment? † move to the critique of this view from Adorno and Horkheimer, and see the more empirical approach of the Enlightenment worldwide through an analysis of some recent works on colonialism and the post-colonial ideology. Immanuel Kant wrote a very short piece on â€Å"What is Enlightenment? † in 1784. It is the chief work in this mystification. This is a piece that is easily accessible for the laymen–rare for Kant–and lays out the basic concepts of Enlightenment in the â€Å"freeing† of the mind from the shackles of tradition and religion. Kant holds that such shackles are created by the self from the motivation of laziness or complacency. It is easier to accept conventional truths than to struggle to find one’s own. Kant then holds that moral virtue, particularly courage, is necessary for true Enlightenment, since that courage is needed to go against received opinion. The truly enlightened individual needs to think for himself, develop their own conclusions, and hence, take nothing from authority. This movement is little more than a move from immaturity to adulthood; from the infantile life of the middle ages to the adult life of modern times. The formal properties of this motion is the release of the understanding from the prison of authority and received opinion. Hence, from this view of Kant, the Enlightenment and its scientific consequences have been associated with the rhetoric of liberation. The Enlightenment defines itself in the negative terms of the destruction of feudal relations based on religion and received opinion. The positive side (derive largely from Bacon and Descartes) is based on the concept that the release of the understanding can be done through the rigorous application of scientific methods to all areas of life, reaching an era of complete and true knowledge based on rational methods and principles. Hence, from Kant, science and its resultant technology is seen as liberation, and the creation of a new, utopian social order based on mechanization of all labor and the love of knowledge deriving from true principles. This rhetoric still dominates discourses about the Enlightenment and its negation of the â€Å"barbaric middle ages. † II. Adorno and Horkheimer on the Dialectics of Enlightenment It does not take long to get from Kant to Nietzsche. In fact, the amoral world of the infamous German is a mere brief step from the hyper individualism of Kant and his followers. Nietzsche took the Baconian dictum seriously that knowledge is power and of course, power is domination. The Kantian mystification of the Enlightenment had been exposed for generations in European letters from the conservative reaction against modern science to the leftist agitation of the above authors. In their 1944 work, Adorno and Horkheimer seek to eliminate the mystification that Kant had ushered in as the basic sense of Enlightenment self-definition. Their argument is a complex one, but it can easily be taken apart into eight specific movements or moments. 1. The Enlightenment, with its stress on science and hence technology, has not led to liberation, but to a hyper-centralization of power and technical authority. The knowledge necessary for specialized science and its administration are, by definition, available only to a few specialists. This means that Enlightenment individualism has led to a Nietzschian stress on the will to power of science. This will to power has resolved itself into a fetishization with central power and authority, and an esoteric sense of science as the new priesthood, available only to a few specialist and the moneyed powers who finance them. 2. This centralization of power and the domination of a scientific and technocratic elite has led to the creation of a uniform ideology: a sense of the power of science and the moneyed powers who control them. The issue here is that the scientific ideology is the only one, and that all problems can be solved by the judicious application of the scientific method, only if they receive enough money and power to do it. Science, at first a limited method of solving problem, has resolved itself into the domination of materialism and the creation of a scientific establishment, a set of institutions that identifies itself with â€Å"science† proper. In other words, the scientific establishment has taken the name of science and pinned it to themselves. 3. The domination of science and enlightenment capital relations has led to new forms of scientific consciousness like sociology, which has led to the standardization of society, and this standardization of social life has taken the form of labeling consumers. Creating consuming pockets of people who are seen not as people but as machines that buy the products that the capitalist technocracy has created. Citizenship has been replaced by consumption and being a part of the great chain of capitalist relations. 4. Even more than this, not only has political and economic power been tightly centralized, but even the very ideas of the population and their perceptions of the world are created and maintained by the â€Å"culture industry† that complex of capital and modern science that has sought to entertain the masses for profit, but have also replaced their own perceptions with that of the â€Å"cultural elite. † From the individualism of Kant, science and Enlightenment has created a new kind of human being: the slave that does not know he’s a slave. The entertainment industry that is so often a target of both left and right has taken upon itself, in the name of both profit and Enlightenment, to recreate the very perceptual matrix of the population as a whole. Replacing actual perception with their own, and hence, dictating music, dress, even cuisine according to its taste, quickly adopted by the masses who think they are thinking for themselves. 5. The movies, as well as the mass production entertainment industry of the technocracy, has recreated the person according to its own will. Reality itself is the creation of the â€Å"illusion industry† and has destroyed the last vestiges of individuality. Kant is exposed as a naive writer at best. 6. The creation of genre is part of the cultural domination of the technocracy. Genre is a pseudo-intellectual method of both standardizing production, but more importantly, the standardization of consumer taste. Genre is the destruction of culture for this reason. 7. This destruction of culture by forcing it into the standardization of genre means that art has been taken from the realm of the individual or the culture and placed into the realm of the machine: the culture machine that seeks to standardize art so as to make it amenable to scientifically planned consumption and production. Art is merely another commodity. 8. Finally, the culture itself becomes a single, commodified and standardized reality: the creation of the scientific technique as applied to film, entertainment and art. What has begun as a drive to liberate consciousness and the intellect has led to a scientific dystopia of enslavement to a series of media illusions, themselves based around profit and a centralized technocratic apparatus that has stamped out all free thought and has even commodified dissent from its own order.

Realism in Arthur Millers Death of a Salesman :: Death Salesman essays

Realism in Arthur Miller's Death of a Salesman Realism may be defined as an attempt to reproduce the surface appearance of the life of normal people in everyday situations (Kennedy 1410). Basically realism is a situation that normal people can relate to based on their own experiences. Realism is extremely prevalent in the play Death of a Salesman. The characters in the play have real world problems. Lack of money is one of the problems, which is a problem for many people. There are also many conflicts within the family; related to each characters definition of success.   Ã‚   Willy Loman also wants his children to have a better than he has and tries to do everything he can so they will have a better life, including ending his own. One realistic situation that many people can relate to is money problems. Money is one of the main problems that Willy Loman had throughout the play. The Loman family had many purchases on payments. Linda even states â€Å"for the vacuum cleaner there’s three and a half due on the fifteenth† (Miller 1650). The Loman family was living from week to week. Every time Willy came home from a fairly successful day selling, he would think he was finally getting ahead. Willy would tell Linda how much he had made, but she would then point out how much they owed on everything. Willy then felt overwhelmed and said â€Å"My God, if business don’t pick up I don’t know what I’m gonna do!† (1650). Linda would then reassure Willy and tell him â€Å"Well, next week you’ll do better† (1650). Many people in real life have this same problem. Every time they feel they are getting ahead financially, a problem occurs and they find themselves right back where they started. Most people also have to deal with problems and conflicts within their family throughout their life. Family problems were not exempt from the characters in Death of a Salesman. Biff’s idea of success was completely opposite from Willy’s. Willy viewed success as achieving money and power; Biff however viewed success in life as being happy. Biff realized that â€Å"I’m just what I am, that’s all† (1703). Biff realized he was â€Å"a dime a dozen† (1703), but his father could not accept this reality. This situation where parents always keep telling their children what they should do with their lives is common in many families.

The Pleasures of Eating Essay -- Literary Analysis, Wendell Berry

In Wendell Berry’s â€Å"The Pleasures of Eating,† this farmer tells eaters how their separation from food production has turned them into â€Å"passive consumers† who know nothing about the food they eat, or their part in the agricultural process (3). They are blindsided by a food industry that does not help them understand. Berry argues that the average consumer buys available food without any questions. He states consumers that think they are distanced from agriculture because they can easily buy food, making them ignorant of cruel conditions it went through to get on the shelf. Humans have become controlled by the food industry, and regard eating as just something required for their survival. Berry wants this to change as people realize they should get an enjoyment from eating that can only come from becoming responsible for their food choices and learning more about what they eat. While describing the average consumer’s ignorance and the food industry ’s deceit, he effectively uses appeals to emotion, logic, and values to persuade people to take charge, and change how they think about eating. One point Berry makes about people’s ignorance is that they do not recognize their connection to the agricultural cycle. He appeals to the reader’s sense of logic when he describes the process food goes through to reach the consumer, and how eating ends it (3). He uses their sense of reason to persuade them as he continues to point out how oblivious eaters are by saying that â€Å"food is pretty much an abstract idea† to them even though they should realize it does not magically appear in the local store (4). Berry mentions that not only do they ignore how it gets to the store, but also the location and type of farms their food comes from (4). He says ... ...ences him in the poem by William Carlos Williams, â€Å"There is nothing to eat, seek it where you will, but the body of the Lord,† and this appeals to the reader’s value of faith and gives his argument credibility (23). Throughout the essay, Berry logically progresses from stating the problem of the consumer’s ignorance and the manipulative food industry that plays into that ignorance, to stating his solution where consumers can take part in the agricultural process and alter how they think about eating in order to take pleasure in it. He effectively uses appeals to emotion and common values to convince the reader that this is an important issue and make her realize that she needs to wake up and change what she is doing. By using appeals to pathos, logos, and ethos, Berry creates a strong argument to make his point and get people to change how they attain and eat food.

The Battle for the Campaign Agenda in Britain

The 1997 election was a struggle, not just for votes, but also to control the campaign agenda. Significant, but contradictory, challenges faced the media, parties and the public. For journalists, the problem was how to engender any zip into the campaign. Ever since Black Wednesday, in September 1992, Labour had seemed assured of victory while Conservative support floundered in the doldrums. For five years, perhaps it just seemed like longer, pundits had been writing of the end of the Conservative era, bolstered by all the accumulated evidence from opinion polls, by-elections and local elections. By the start of the six-week official campaign, the horse-race story was almost lifeless. Moreover, to the dismay of leader-writers, commentators and columnists, Blair's strategic shift towards the centre-left had removed much of the drama of serious policy conflicts between the major parties. Few issues remained where one could discern clear blue water between Labour and the Conservatives – devolution and constitutional reform, perhaps the faint ghost of trade union rights and spending priorities – but on so much the contest was a classic case of an echo not a choice. Lastly, at the outset the campaign promised tight party control, in as gaffe-free an environment as could be humanly managed. At the start the Labour party seemed insecure and sweaty despite its enormous lead in the polls, and the professional andelson machine at Millbank Tower left almost nothing to chance, as though the souffle of support might suddenly collapse. Based on their formidable track-record during the 1980s, the Conservatives had a reputation for running highly professional campaigns. Given the palpable sense of public boredom and impatience, a feeling of oh-do-lets-get-on-with-it, the challenge for journalists was to find something fresh and interesting to hold the attention of their readers and viewers. During the six week campaign there was, on average, about ten hours of regular BBC and ITN television news and current affairs programmes every weekday1, not including election specials, nor Sky News, CNN, Radio 4, Five Live, newspapers and magazines, the internet election web pages, and all the other plethora of media outlets. Something had to fill the ravenous news hole. For the public, the primary urge seemed to be to get it all over with. But voters also needed to make sense of the choice before them, when policy differences between the parties had shaded from the red-and-blue days of Thatcher v. Foot to a middle of the road wishy-washy mauve. Many issues confronting voters were complex, technical and subtle, with no easy answers: what will happen to the economy if Britain enters, or stays out, of the ERM? How can the peace process move ahead in Northern Ireland, given the intractability of all sides? Can Britain afford an effective and comprehensive health service, given ever-increasing demands on the system and spending limits accepted by all parties? These, and related, issues facing Britain have critical consequences for the lives of citizens, but they admit of no simple sound-bite panaceas. The needs of the news media and the public were at odds with those of the parties. Given their lead, the primary challenge for Labour was to manage their media environment against unexpected crises, in play-safe reactive mode. The watchword was control. Memories of the polling fiasco in 1992, and Neil Kinnock's false expectation of victory in that campaign (â€Å"We're allright! â€Å"), dominated strategy in 1997. The challenge for the Conservatives was to staunch grassroots morale, and even build momentum, by emphasising the positive economic performance of the government, by reassuring voters to trust Prime Minister John Major against the inexperienced and unknown Tony Blair, and by attacking Labour on the old bugaboos of taxes and trade unions. To gain traction the Conservatives had to take more risks than Labour. The challenge facing all the minor parties, but particularly the Liberal Democrats, was to avoid being squeezed by Labour's smothering slither centre-left. Who won? The aim of this chapter is to examine this battle and evaluate the outcome. The first section sets out the long-term context by considering how campaigning has been transformed in the post-war era. The 1997 election represented another critical step, it can be argued, in the transition to the post-modern campaign in Britain, — characterised by partisan dealignment in the press, growing fragmentation in the electronic media, and strategic communications in parties. The second section goes on to analyse what was covered in the national press and television during the campaign, and whether this suggests Labour won the battle of the campaign agenda, as well as the election. Lastly, we consider how the public reacted to the coverage, whether they felt that journalists generated interesting, fair and informative coverage, and the implications of this analysis for the struggle over campaign communications. The Evolution of the Post-Modern Campaign Modernisation theory suggests that during the post-war era the political communication process has been transformed by the decline of direct linkages between citizens and parties, and the rise of mediated relationships. Swanson and Mancini argue that similar, although not identical, developments are recognisable across industrialised democracies2. In the earliest stage, the premodern campaign in Britain was characterised by the predominance of the partisan press; a loose organizational network of grassroots party volunteers in local constituencies; and a short, ad-hoc national campaign run by the party leader with a few close advisers. This period of campaigning gradually evolved in the mid-nineteenth century following the development of mass party organizations registering and mobilising the newly enfranchised electorate. Despite the introduction of wireless broadcasting in 1922, this pattern was maintained in largely identifiable form until the late fifties3. The critical watershed came in 1959, with the first television coverage of a British general election, symbolising the transition to the next stage. The evolution of the modern campaign was marked by a shift in the central location of election communications, from newspapers towards television, from the constituency grassroots to the party leadership, and from amateurs towards professionals. The press entered an era of long-term decline: circulation of national newspapers peaked in the late fifties and sales have subsequently dropped by one-third (see Figure 1). The fall was sharpest among tabloids, pushing these further downmarket in the search for readers4. This fierce competition transformed the nature of the British press, producing growing sensationalism, and more journalism with attitude, while changes in ownership ratcheted the partisan balance further in the Conservative direction. One major factor contributing towards declining circulation was the rise of television. The political effects of this new technology were strongly mediated by the regulations governing broadcasting in each country. In Britain the legal framework for the BBC/ITV duopoly was suffused by a strong public service ethos which required broadcasters to maintain ‘party balance' and impartiality in news coverage, to ‘inform, educate and entertain' according to high standards, and to provide an agreed allocation of unpaid airtime to arty political broadcasts5. Within this familiar context, television centralised the campaign, and thereby increased the influence of the party leaders: what appeared on BBC1's flagship 9 O'clock News and ITN's News at Ten, and related news and current affairs studios, was the principle means by which politicians reached the vast majority of voters. To work effectively within this environment parties developed a coordinated national campaign with professional communications by specialists skilled in advertising, marketing, and polling. The ‘long campaign' in the year or so before polling day became as important strategically as the short ‘official' campaign. These changes did not occur overnight, nor did they displace grassroots constituency activity, as the timeless ritual of canvassing and leafletting continued. A few trusted experts in polling and political marketing became influential during the campaign in each party, such as Maurice Saatchi, Tim Bell and Gordon Reece in Conservative Central Office, but this role remained as part-time outside advisors, not integral to the process of government, nor even to campaigning which was still run by politicians. Unlike in the United States, no political marketing industry developed, in large part because the only major clients were the Labour and Conservative party leaderships: the minor parties had limited resources, while parliamentary candidates ran retail campaigns based on shoe-leather and grassroots helpers. But the net effect of television during the era of modernisation was to shift the primary focus of the campaign from the ad-hoccery of unpaid volunteers and local candidates towards the central party leadership flanked by paid, although not necessarily full-time, professionals6. Lastly in the late twentieth century Britain seems to have been experiencing the rise of the post-modern campaign, although there remains room for dispute in the interpretation of the central features of this development and its consequences. The most identifiable characteristics, evident in the 1997 campaign, include the emergence of a more autonomous, and less partisan, press following its own ‘media logic'; the growing fragmentation and diversification of electronic media outlets, programmes and audiences; and, in reaction to these developments, the attempt by parties to reassert control through strategic communications and media management during the permanent campaign. Partisan Dealignment in the Press In the post-war period parties have had long-standing and stable links with the press. In 1945 there was a rough partisan balance with about 6. 7 million readers of pro-Conservative papers and 4. 4 million readers of pro-Labour papers. This balance shifted decisively in the early 1970s, with the transformation of the left-leaning Daily Herald into the pro-Conservative Sun, and the more aggressively right-wing tone of The Times, both under Rupert Murdoch's ownership. By 1992 the cards had become overwhelmingly stacked against the left, since the circulation of the Conservative-leaning press had risen to about 8. 7 million compared with only 3. million for Labour-leaning papers (see Figure 1). Throughout the 1980s Mrs Thatcher could campaign assured of a largely sympathetic press, which provided a loyal platform to get her message across7. One of the most striking developments of recent years has been the crumbling of these traditional press-party loyalties. The evidence comes partly from editorial policy. The Conservative press had started to turn against Mrs Thatcher in 1989-90, when the economy was in recession and her leadership became deeply unpopular, and this constant barrage of criticism probably contributed towards her eventual demise8. During the 1992 election, while the Sun and the Daily Express continued to beat the Tory drum, comment from some of the other pro-Conservative press like the Mail and The Sunday Times was more muted, and four out of eleven daily papers failed to endorse a single party9. The new government enjoyed a brief respite on returning to office but press criticism of John Major's leadership deepened following the ERM debacle on 16th September 1992, with only the Daily Express staying loyal. Journalists continued to highlight the government's difficulties over Europe, and internal splits over the debate on the Maastricht Treaty. By the winter of 1993, a succession of scandals involving Conservative politicians created headline news while editorials regularly denunciated the government, and particularly the Prime Minister. By the time of the July 1995 leadership challenge only the Daily Express backed John Major solidly, while the Sun, the Mail, The Times and the Telegraph all argued that it was time for him to be replaced10, an embarrassment for their leader writers given the outcome. The question, in the long run-up to the election, was whether the Tory press would return home, once the future of the Conservative government was under real threat. In the event, the 1997 election represents a historic watershed. In a major break with tradition, six out of ten national dailies, and five out of nine Sundays, endorsed the Labour party in their final editorials (see Table 1). This was twice the highest number previously, and it reversed the long-standing pro-Conservative leanings in the national press. With impeccable timing, the Sun led the way on the first day of the campaign, (THE SUN BACKS BLAIR), with a frontpage claiming Blair is a â€Å"breath of fresh air† while the Conservatives were â€Å"tired, divided and rudderless†, and its defection stole the headlines and damaged Tory morale. This change of heart came after assiduous efforts by Labour to court press support, including meetings between Blair and Rupert Murdoch, especially Blair's visit to Australia in 1995. roughout the campaign the Sun, with ten million readers a day, provided largely unswerving support for Blair, although opposing Labour policy on Europe and the unions, and many commentators predicted that the switch, based on Murdoch's commercial considerations rather than political affinities, would not last long11. Labour's traditional tabloid, the Daily Mirror, with six million readers, continued its brand of centre-left journalism (â€Å"the paper for Labour's TRUE supporters†). On the las t Sunday of the campaign, influenced by Murdoch, The News of the World decided to follow the lead of its sister paper, the Sun, and backed Labour. Among the broadsheets The Guardian called for tactical voting for the Liberal Democrats in seats where it made sense, but broadly endorsed Labour. The Independent was more restrained in its backing, casting its editorial vote for Labour â€Å"with a degree of optimism that is not entirely justified by the evidence†. The paper was clearly more anti-Tory than pro-anything. The Times advised their readers to back Eurosceptic candidates from whatever party, although, in practice, nearly all were Conservatives. Only leads in the Daily Telegraph, and the Daily Mail (â€Å"Labour bully boys are back† â€Å"Labour's broken promises†) remained strongly in the Tory camp. Even the Daily Express was more neutral than in the past: a double-page spread was divided between Lord Hollick, its chief executive, arguing for Labour and its chairman, Lord Stevens, arguing for the Conservatives. The front-page of the election-eve Mail carried a colourful Union Jack border and the apocalyptic warning that a Labour victory could â€Å"undo 1,000 years of our nation's history†. Yet any comparison of editorial policy probably under-estimates the balance of partisanship in news coverage during the overall campaign. For example, the Mail ostensibly endorsed the Conservatives during the campaign, but in practice it probably deeply damaged the government by headlining sexual scandals in the party, and reinforcing images of disunity with leading articles highlighting the number of Tory Eurosceptics. With friends like this, the Conservatives did not need opponents. To understand this we need to go beyond the leaders, which are rarely read, and even less heeded, to examine the broader pattern of front-page stories. The most plausible evidence for dealignment is that certain papers like the Sun, traditionally pro-Conservative, switched camps, but also that front-page stories were often so similar across all the press, driven by news values irrespective of the paper's ostensible partisanship. Since the early 1970s fierce competition for readers has encouraged far more sensational coverage in the popular press, fuelling an endless diet of stories about ‘scandals', (mostly sexual but also financial), infotainment, and the Royals, preferably all three. This process started when Rupert Murdoch bought the News of the World in 1968, and the Sun a year later. It accelerated in the cut-throat competition produced by the launch of the Daily Star in 1978, which sought to out-do the Sun in its relentless search for sex, investigative ‘exclusives' about celebrities, violent crime, and graphic coverage of the bizzare. Those who thought British newspapers had reached their nadir at this point had under-estimated the soft-porn Sunday Sport, launched in 198612. The tackiness of the popular press, such as their exhaustive gossip about the goings-on of the younger Royals, gradually infected and corroded the news culture of the broadsheets as well. By the mid-1990s, the journalism of scandal trumped party loyalties, hands down. This fuelled the series of sleaze stories about senior Conservative politicians hroughout John Major's years in government, and there was no let-up during the campaign. As documented in detail later, the first two weeks of the election were dominated by a succession of stories about corruption in public life and sexual ‘scandals', providing a steady diet of negative news for the government which swamped their message about the economy.

Miles the autobiography essays

Miles the autobiography essays This book, written by Miles Davis, is the autobiography tht he wrote a few years before he died. In this book I found how he first became interested in jazz. It also explains how he became one of the best jazz players of all time. Miles was born in Alton, Illinois in 1926 and grew up in eastern St. Louis. He learned how to play trumpet while in high school on the trumpet that his father gave to him for his 13th birthday. He was a bog fan of jazz and said that the thing that made up his mind to be a musician was wheh he first heard Billy Eckstines band with Dizzy Gillespie on trumpet, and Charlie parker playing the sax. He then moved to New York looking for Charlie Parker and to study classical trumpet at Juilliard School of music. Aftera while parkers drug problem began to take over his life, and this also affected Davis. Davis took some time toget over that, and by the late 50s he was a much bigger star than he had been before due to some of his recent recordings. In 1969, Davis started to record more electronic music, which was the start of the azz-Rock. Later on, when he came out with the albums A Tribute to Jack Johnson, and On the Corner, fans were dissapointed, and thought it was a terrible portrayal of the jazz they knew. Miles then sort of dissapeared from the view of the public eye between 1975 and 1981, but even when he came back, he wasnt as into playing anymore as he had used to be. He played again a couple times before he died in 1991 at 65 years old. As for the authors description of the book, it was all first person, because he wrote the book himself with the help of Quincy Troupe. My conclusion to this book strenghtens what I think about musicians. I dont understand why lots of famous people and especially musicians experiment with drugs. I would think that if their life is going well why mess with it. Another thing this book made ...

buy custom The Book Dangerous Exits essay

buy custom The Book Dangerous Exits essay The book Dangerous Exits: Escaping Abusive Relationships in Rural America is a very important book which deals with the terror faced by many women in rural America in their own homes and the book itself is a very valuable contribution to the Violence Against Women issues by addressing the three common areas which are found in gender-based violence, namely divorce/separation violence, the general experiences of the rural women, and sexual violence like the intimate partner sexual violence. The book was written by DeKeseredy Walter a criminology professor in UOIT (University of Ontario Institute of Technology), Martin Schwartz a sociologist professor, and Joseph Donnermeyer in 2009. This books target audience are criminologists, women scholars and students, activists, practitioners and policy makers. The stated goals of the authors of the book was to shatter all the myths about rural American women, for example, that they live in idyll of home and hearth. Other goal was to reveal the analytic understanding of the dangers that women face as they are abused. Social and geographic isolation deteriorates situation and it is a common characteristics of the many American rural communities. Description Violence against women has been widely spreading in rural America for many decades and has gained a lot of attention from the policy makers, scholars, and general public. Social scientists have made a great contribution to the theoretical understanding as they focused attention on the women victimization. Because of sexual abuse, women are willing to leave behind their hostile and abusive partners. The rural communities are the worst hit with the most cases of victimization of women. Dangerous Exits is a qualitative study which examines the psychological, physical, and sexual violence experienced by the American rural women in a process of leaving the abusive intimate partners. Some of these stories are very touching, heart breaking, insightful, eloquent, sad, and uplifting. The women shared their stories about their abusive partners and how it was dangerous to quit the abusive relationships. This book fits within the context of other related material which is covered in this course. The main reason for this is because the book is a very good companion to a graduate course level or an upper undergraduate level student. The book tries to identify all the hidden crimes of psychological mistreatment of women, economic blackmail crimes, and the relationships which exist between abuse and patriarchy (p. 25). The authors of the book have tried to give voice to the women who have suffered terribly in silence and also tried to find effective solutions as to how these assaults and abuses of the wmen can be stopped and avoided. Analysis The book attempts to answer the question Does Dangerous Exits contributes to building a clear model for the interaction of patriarchal control, sexual abuse, and community complicity in rural areas? The main objectives of this book were addressing the complexities and the risk factors which are associated with the separation and divorce. The author of the book used the feminist methodology to achieve his objectives. He was able to highlight the area which was in most cases under-researched and an area which was neglected for a very long time concerning the battered women who were living in the rural areas and how they were able to stop the abusive relationships. The author acknowledged the global problem and the risk factors which were associated with separation and the divorce in 3 Ohio rural communities. He brought out a case of 43 women who were in the abusive relationships or marriage by leaving the abusive husband or abusive male partner. The information about these women helped in bringing out the foci of the book. The authors created screen questions by the development of structured interview schedules which were aimed at obtaining the representative samples and they used multitude methods to solicit women from participation. After collecting all the data that was required in the study, the authors presented the information in a summary of tables which compared the nonsexual abuse and the separation and divorce sexual abuse (pp. 62-63). The important questions that the book raised are: What drives men to become abusive? Should men be in charge of and control domestic household settings? How can you reduce the incidence of separation and divorce sexual assault in the rural areas? Appraisal This book contributed to understanding of the rural American society and it deserves a very special place in the new scholarship on rural crime since it calls for an immediate action and pushes for a policy change. The book has also made a very valuable contribution to the Violence Against Women by covering the separation and divorce violence, the experiences that these rural women undergo, and sexual violence in general. This book attempts to resolve problems and issues which are related to separation and divorce sexual abuse in rural America. The rural America has been very notorious for sexual abuse committed by the men. In most of the cases abusers are people with low level of education and deeply religious who always think that the woman should obey her husbaand in all situations without any questions. This caused women abuse. The unemployment rate in the rural America is also very high. That is why most of the women and men have to spend time at homes. Monotonous work and lack of money lead to frustration which all too often results in women abuse. The weakest point of the book is the final chapter where the authors committed to the collaborative feminist research interviewed the heroes on how the incidence of the assault could be prevented. The story of the woman who was abused in front of the neighbor who did nothing to help her is very discouraging to the reader (p. 11). The reader would thinkg that there are no ways to stop the violence and it can be very discouraging if the reader is a woman who has been a victim of such violence. This shows that there are no rules and regulations to stop these sexual violence and abuses. The strongest point of this book is that it includes real stories told bywomen from the rural Ohio community in America. The book includes the views of women victims of the separation and divorce sexual assault and the authors were able to write the stories of how they were abused and how they stopped this sexual assault. This book gives the women who have been victims of sexual violence commited by the men whom they were married to or lived with a new hope. This is vivdly seen in the story of the woman who was asked of how she thought about her experiences as a victim. She was very courageous and had a will to buid her life vowing that no man was going to stop her in accomplishing her dreams since she would rather cut off his hand than refuse from her dreams (p. 83). This shows that the book can enable the victims to live a new life, be courageous and strong after leaving the abusive partners. It is a source of inspiration to the women victims. The questions and concerns that the author of the book raised in my mind is that it is very possible to quit an abusive life from an abusive husband or abusive partners as it is the case in very many rural communities in America. According to the study which was carried out by DeKeseredy and Shwartz, the main reason why the separation and divorce sexual assault rate is very high in the rural areas is that most of the victims were poor and lived in poverty stricken areas with numerous cases of illiteracy, which explained why the women were abused by their partners. On my opinion, there is the need for future research to be conducted in this area. The reason why I think so is that DeKeseredys and Shwartzs ideas which are about the culture of the male peer support for the assaults and the abuse should be fleshed out to develop a set of policy proposals which are more robust and which are grounded on the rural life realities. Buy custom The Book Dangerous Exits essay